List of Titles

The international community’s implementation of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Principle: a Comparative Study of Sudan and Libya

- Nizeimana, John Bosco

Authors: Nizeimana, John Bosco
Date: 2020
Subjects: Responsibility to protect (International law) , Humanitarian intervention -- Libya , Libya -- Foreign relations -- 1969- , Libya -- Politics and government -- 1969- , Humanitarian intervention -- Sudan , Sudan -- Foreign relations , Sudan -- Politics and government -- 1985-
Language: English
Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/162631 , vital:40962
Description: In the history of international relations, the adoption of the R2P principle in 2005 was widely understood to be a break-through in the international community’s efforts to respond to massive human rights violations and atrocities. Despite this, the international community’s implementation of the R2P has been widely contested, including in relation to its application in Sudan and Libya. There is agreement in the literature that, in both cases, the implementation of the R2P failed to achieve its intended purpose of protecting civilian populations. This thesis addresses the question of why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. Most explanations concerning the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya tend to focus on the politics of big power countries. The study argues that the failure to implement the R2P is related to the interactions between regional organisations and the international community (global organisations like UN) in attempting to solve large-scale human rights violent conflict. The study is firmly embedded in scholarly debates about humanitarian intervention so as to demonstrate the fact that this study is part of efforts to advance knowledge of scholarly debates on humanitarian intervention in this contemporary world order. The study combines a case study approach and qualitative research approach to achieve a nuanced understanding of the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya. The study relied on the use of documentary reviews and in-depth interviews of experts to collect data which was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The thesis demonstrated that the implementation of the R2P was characterised by a breakdown of the relationship between regional actors like the AU and global institutions like the UN. This breakdown contributed to the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. The lack of financial and operational capacity for rapid deployment, the internal divisions with the AU, and the lack of political will within the AU members states were also cited as obstacles to the realisation of the R2P efforts in Sudan. To establish in-depth knowledge the study revealed other factors related to the politics of big power countries and how they played a part in the failure of the R2P in Sudan and Libya. Among these factors include implementation inconsistencies, the ICC factor, the absence of UNSC consensus in the response over Darfur and Libya, and the veto power factor and its implications in the efforts of the international community in both cases. This study also showed that the implementation of the R2P may not work effectively if left only to international actors to implement. Regional and sub-regional actors are important stakeholders of the R2P, and their interactions with the international community in actualising the implmementation of the R2P on the ground are essential. The manner in which the R2P was applied in Sudan and Libya is an indication its implementation requires improved interaction between regional actors and the international community at all level of collaboration including at global, regional and sub-regional level. This can build a strong foundation to drive the effective implementation of the R2P in future interventions. The findings of this thesis will significantly improve the available literature on the reason why the R2P failed in Sudan and Libya, particularly by paying much attention to the role of regional and sub-regional actors.
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Date Issued: 2020

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Regional thickening as game-changing: examining transnational activities of gender and women-focused civil society actors for region-building in Southern Africa

- Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi

Authors: Nedziwe, Cecilia Lwiindi
Date: 2019
Subjects: International relations , Southern Africa Development Community , Regionalism -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations -- 1994- , Women in development -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Social conditions -- Africa, Southern , Women -- Political activity -- Africa, Southern , Women in public life -- Africa, Southern , Civil society -- Africa, Southern
Language: English
Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/95420 , vital:31154
Description: This thesis argues that norms, in general, have proliferated in a neo-liberalising context since the 1990s, in particular norms on gender, and how they have changed to indicate new agency and influence, amounts to game change. Despite growing transnational activities, regionalisation and the increasing interface between state and non-state regionalism in a transnational context since the advent of liberalisation and democratisation, analyses in regional International Relations (IR) studies, so far, largely maintain linear logic. The increasing non-state processes, and their connection to state processes in norm creation, norm adaptation, norm diffusion and implementation around broad questions of security including in the area of gender, amount to regional thickening. Regional thickening revealed in terms of increasing regionalisation, regionalism, and region-ness whose effect is game-changing challenges mainstream linear approaches in regional IR studies. Game-changing here, refers to, processes promoting the development of norms mentioned above in the interest of contributing to improved security across a region. This study is focused on Southern Africa, defined here, as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. This study’s analytical approach is informed by alternatives to mainstream approaches, emphasising processes, rather than linearity inherent in regional IR studies. By privileging the actual game-changing processes, interactions, and agency around the norm development cycle, this study examines how regional thickening in a transnational context promotes game-changing activities, promoting the development of the norm cycle, seeking to have improved security. A mixed method approach involving gathering of information from multiple primary and secondary sources are used. The study found transnational activities and regionalisation of gender and women-focused civil society actors, game-changing. These civil society actors organised in two ways. First, by way of advocacy and in seeking representation within intergovernmental policymaking structures at a regional level. Second, by way of organising around transnational communities in a transnational context in the interest of addressing gendered insecurities at localised levels. Regional thickening as game-changing here pointed to a growing recognition and participation of civil society actors in intergovernmental policymaking spaces as having created a groundswell for game change at localised levels. This led to policy development, adaptation, diffusion, and implementation by both state and non-state actors contributing to norm changes, improved social policies, and to greater security. The actual changes emerging from these actors’ activities on the ground are in terms of unlearning patriarchal behaviours, opening up development for women, and increasing their living standards, education, health, and their freedom. In assessing the transnational environment on gendered insecurity in Southern Africa, this thesis developed an innovative framework of regional thickening as game-changing. This framework plots how game-changing developed, evolved, and its importance in addressing gendered insecurity. The thesis has proposed that game-changing transnational activities and regionalisation that change, and diffuse norms to break learnt behaviour, have helped disrupt rigid institutionalisation, and are aiding to bring non-linear discourses to the fore.
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Date Issued: 2019

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Demobilisation and the civilian reintegration of women ex-combatants in post-apartheid South Africa: the aftermath of transnational guerrilla girls, combative mothers and in- betweeners in the shadows of a late twentieth-century war

- Magadla, Siphokazi

Authors: Magadla, Siphokazi
Date: 2017
Subjects: South Africa. National Defence Force , Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) -- Demobilization , Azanian People's Liberation Army -- Demobilization , Amabutho Self-Defence Unit -- Demobilization , South Africa. Army -- Women , Women soldiers -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa -- History , Women veterans -- South Africa -- History , Women veterans -- South Africa -- Interviews
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/41775 , vital:25133
Description: This study examines the state assisted demobilisation and civilian reintegration of women excombatants in post-apartheid South Africa. The study is based on life history interviews conducted with 36 women who fought for Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA) and Amabutho Self-Defence Unit. There is agreement across the literature that the armed struggle against apartheid falls within the category of guerilla warfare, fought in multiple terrains, that blur conventional distinctions of civilian and combatant, homefront and battlefront, as well as the domestic and transnational. Located within feminist International Relations theory, the study argues that the formal process that led to the integration of statutory and non-statutory forces to form the South African National Defence Force, which facilitated the demobilisation process, was framed in ways that did not reflect the unconventional nature of the armed struggle against apartheid. The few women who participated in this process were the transnationally trained combatants of MK and APLA. The majority of women who participated in the multiple and overlapping sites of the domestic and international apartheid battlefront were left out of this process. It is argued that women’s roles in the armed struggle were shaped by various factors, such as age, space and period of struggle. Three categories, guerilla girls, combative mothers and the in-betweeners, are introduced in order to demonstrate the different spaces from within which women fought, and the methods they used, all of which were central to the success of the People’s War strategy. In this regard, the venerated transnationally trained woman combatant, like their male counterpart, is argued to be an exception, as the majority of women were thrust into the armed struggle without military training. Furthermore, it is argued that conservative feminist readings of black women’s relationship with nationalism in the anti-apartheid struggle have misrecognised and undermined women’s combatant contributions, by inscribing their forms of resistance as maternal, and outside the war effort. The study shows that the majority of women combatants have transitioned to civilian life without formal state recognition and assistance. The erasure of women’s role as combatants also means that they are excluded from the current legislative framework facilitated by the Department of Military Veterans to support the welfare of former combatants. As such, the study builds on Jacklyn Cock’s (1991) pioneering study on war and gender in South Africa; it is the first study that exclusively focuses on women ex-combatants’ experiences in postapartheid South Africa.
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Date Issued: 2017

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The reform of world order?: BRICS in an Interpolar world

- Phyllis, Yvonne

Authors: Phyllis, Yvonne
Date: 2015
Subjects: Uncatalogued
Language: English
Type: Master's theses , text
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/193520 , vital:45339
Description: International relations has recently seen new developments which are unpredictable and in their infant stage. The causes of these developments are plentiful, the consequences stemming from waning unipolarity to the emergence of new fora creating their own spaces. Whatever the case, international relations is not as it was in the period just after the Cold War. As a result, the terms of global governance established after 1990 have come under serious scrutiny. This transition has the makings of a new world order, an interpolar world order. This study asserts that we no longer live in a unipolar world, nor do we live in a world which can only be described as multipolar. It makes the argument that although multipolarity is a crucial element of the world, it only offers a partial description of today’s order. The study asserts that it is interpolarity which is closest in accounting for today’s world. Not only does it describe the world as multipolar, it also describes it as interdependent. To this end, the study provides a detailed account of what is meant by an interpolar world order and how differently it explains international events. It also provides an account of factors which can develop in an interpolar world. One of these includes allowing room for emerging powers to create their own spaces in efforts of avoiding co-option while continuing to realise the importance of operating within a context of continuity. This means that emerging countries create their own spaces but they also realise the importance of working with already established regimes such as the G20. BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) is used as a case study to indicate one of the new developments afforded by an interpolar order-the emergence of new fora. The study asserts that although BRICS is rife with internal dissimilarities, it has indicated some degree of political will in one aspect; that is; advocating for the reform of the terms of global governance, advocating for more representative forms of global governance. The study thus explores factors of a world whose contours are gradually changing but which are unpredictable and in flux. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2015
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Date Issued: 2015

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Vital threats to human security in Southern Africa : the regional ramifications of the public health crisis in Zimbabwe

- Mtero, Shingirai

Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
Date: 2013
Subjects: Human security -- Africa, Southern , Communicable diseases -- Africa, Southern , Public health -- Zimbabwe , Poverty -- Africa, Southern
Language: English
Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2891 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018251
Description: The southern African region is beset with numerous security concerns: pervasive poverty, deepening inequality, starvation, contamination of essential natural resources, violent crime and state oppression. However, the most vital of the region’s security concerns in the 21st century is the spread of infectious disease. The region shoulders a disproportionate amount of the continent’s infectious disease burden, with diseases such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria claiming more lives every year than any other factor. The nature of these diseases and their propensity to spread, coupled with inadequate regional public health structures pose a significant threat to regional security and stability. The study asserts that southern Africa’s security concerns are most appropriately characterised under the paradigm of Human Security. It further asserts that if such vital threats to human security are not adequately managed they have the ability to permeate across state borders, spelling numerous negative ramifications for the region. To this end, the study details the public health crisis in Zimbabwe and its effects on regional security and stability in southern Africa. An enduring political and economic collapse in Zimbabwe led to the dramatic deterioration of its public health sector, the concomitant mass migration of Zimbabwean nationals across the region presented a unique and complex challenge to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and its member states. As the premier regional governance institution, SADC has failed to adequately mobilise its structures and member states to respond to the challenges resulting from the public health crisis in Zimbabwe. The study explores the factors accounting for this regional inertia, and asserts that while infectious diseases are at present the most vital of the human security threats, similar threats to human security have the potential to affect the region if SADC fails to recognise and prioritise threats to human security as legitimate regional security concerns.
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Date Issued: 2013

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Perspectives on China's rise in Namibia: the effects on foreign policy and domestic politics

- Amadhila, Nelago Ndapandula Ndanyanyukwa

Authors: Amadhila, Nelago Ndapandula Ndanyanyukwa
Date: 2012
Subjects: Namibia -- Relations -- China China -- Relations -- Namibia Namibia -- Politics and government -- Chinese influences Namibia -- Economic conditions -- Chinese influences
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2758 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002968
Description: This thesis analyses the different levels at which China’s presence in Namibia affects Namibia’s domestic politics and foreign policy from a constructivist viewpoint. Constructivist theory is used to examine the different perceptions of the Chinese in Namibia and how these inform Namibian politics and Sino-Namibian relations. These perceptions are formed at different levels of society in formal and informal relations, state-to-state, state-to-business,business-to-business and individual-to-group relations. The way in which perceptions of Chinese involvement in Namibia at the grassroots level of society differ from those at the top increasingly has an effect on domestic Namibian politics and, as such, Sino-Namibian relations. This identifies official and non-official perceptions of China’s political, economic and social presence to determine the effects of grassroots on China vis-à-vis official perceptions in Namibian politics and the effects of grassroots views on Namibian politics and on official views and state behaviour towards China and China’s presence in the country.
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Date Issued: 2012

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Consolidating democracy through integrating the chieftainship institution with elected councils in Lesotho: a case study of four community councils in Maseru

- Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony

Authors: Kapa, Motlamelle Anthony
Date: 2010
Subjects: Customary law -- Lesotho Constitutional law -- Lesotho Local government -- Lesotho -- Maseru Culture and law -- Lesotho -- Maseru Lesotho -- Politics and government Democracy -- Lesotho
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
Identifier: vital:2786 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002996
Description: This study analyses the relationship between the chieftainship institution and the elected councils in Lesotho. Based on a qualitative case study method the study seeks to understand this relationship in four selected councils in the Maseru district and how this can be nurtured to achieve a consolidated democracy. Contrary to modernists‟ arguments (that indigenous African political institutions, of which the chieftainship is part, are incompatible with liberal democracy since they are, inter alia, hereditary, they compete with their elective counterparts for political power, they threaten the democratic consolidation process, and they are irrelevant to democratising African systems), this study finds that these arguments are misplaced. Instead, chieftainship is not incompatible with liberal democracy per se. It supports the democratisation process (if the governing parties pursue friendly and accommodative policies to it) but uses its political agency in reaction to the policies of ruling parties to protect its survival interests, whether or not this undermines democratic consolidation process. The chieftainship has also acted to defend democracy when the governing party abuses its political power to undermine democratic rule. It performs important functions in the country. Thus, it is still viewed by the country‟s political leadership, academics, civil society, and councillors as legitimate and highly relevant to the Lesotho‟s contemporary political system. Because of the inadequacies of the government policies and the ambiguous chieftainship-councils integration model, which tend to marginalise the chieftainship and threaten its survival, its relationship with the councils was initially characterised by conflict. However, this relationship has improved, due to the innovative actions taken not by the central government, but by the individual Councils and chiefs themselves, thus increasing the prospects for democratic consolidation. I argue for and recommend the adoption in Lesotho of appropriate variants of the mixed government model to integrate the chieftainship with the elected councils, based on the re-contextualised and re-territorialised conception and practice of democracy, which eschews its universalistic EuroAmerican version adopted by the LCD government, but recognises and preserves the chieftainship as an integral part of the Basotho society, the embodiment of its culture, history, national identity and nationhood.
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Date Issued: 2010

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State sovereignty and alternative community in southern Africa: exploring the Zion Christian Church as the building block for deeper notions of regional community

- Radebe, Zandisiwe

Authors: Radebe, Zandisiwe
Date: 2008
Subjects: Zionist Christian Church Southern African Development Community Community development -- Africa, Southern Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Sovereignty -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2824 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003034
Description: Regional community in southern Africa has been limited to the region’s states. As a result, deeper notions of community emanating from non-state actors, particularly transnational social movements, continue to be ignored. In an attempt to transcend state centrism, this thesis highlights alternative forms of regional community by exploring the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), one of southern Africa’s biggest and fastest growing cross-border movements. The ZCC is a potential agent for developing regional community from the bottom-up, driving a people-oriented regional integration approach in southern Africa. The ZCC, with its extensive following among the region’s poor, offers a compelling example of a grassroots and truly bottom-up approach to regional community. This thesis explores the possibility of the ZCC as a model of alternative community and identity centred on people’s daily experiences and grounded in a shared history and solidarity. It seeks to highlight the significance of transnational movements like the ZCC to policy makers in the region and it argues that grassroots communities are marching ahead of SADC member states and politicians in the area of integration. There exists a transnational cooperation amongst followers of the ZCC and other grassroots communities across the region and this cooperation transcends the traditional notion of state sovereignty, thereby highlighting deeper notions of what it means to be a community at regional level.
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Date Issued: 2008

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Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration

- Blaauw, Lesley

Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
Date: 2007
Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
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Date Issued: 2007

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Explaining South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe since 2000: the dilemma of a pluralist middle power

- Gcoyi, Thembinkosi

Authors: Gcoyi, Thembinkosi
Date: 2006
Subjects: Middle powers , Conflict management , Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980-
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2777 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002987 , Middle powers , Conflict management , Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980-
Description: This study is a contribution to the literature on South Africa's foreign policy since 2000-2004. It provides a theoretical framework within which South Africa's foreign policy should be understood. It attempts to explain the contradictions that have been apparent in South Africa's foreign policy by looking at the constraints inherent in South Africa's position as an emerging middle power. It argues that South Africa's pluralist inclinations are constrained by Africa's evolving multilateral forums and that South Africa's preference for such undermines the realization and achievement of her foreign policy principles and goals. It also argues that as a realist middle power, South Africa is constrained the ambivalence shown by the region towards her exercising leadership in the region. This is due to South Africa's history of destruction in Southern Africa in the 1980's. South Africa's quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe provides the focal point for the study. The study argues that it is not the case that South Africa is not concerned with human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Instead, this concern has been expressed in ways that do not tarnish South Africa's own image in Africa. This has been done by engaging Zimbabweans through multilateral forums. This study concludes that this strategy failed to bring about resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis.
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Date Issued: 2006

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Security community building? : an assessment of Southern African regional integration in the post-apartheid era

- Lekhooa, Tumo

Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
Date: 2006
Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
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Date Issued: 2006

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The politics in and around governance in the New Partnership for Africa's Development

- Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin

Authors: Roussel, Jean Thierry Kevin
Date: 2006
Subjects: New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2827 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003037 , New Partnership for Africa's Development , Sustainable development -- Africa , Economic development -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign economic relations , Africa -- Economic conditions , Africa -- Politics and government
Description: This study examines the prominence of the term governance and its use in multilateral organisations, in particular the New Partnership for African Development. It argues that the term governance is contentious and needs to be reviewed. This is in light of the elevation of governance as a requisite for development, which has come about through the development of NEPAD. This is primarily a study on the position of the state in multilateral regimes and how governance will affect the state and non-state actors. The politics in and around governance are therefore important in any assessment of African development as governance becomes a developmental necessity. The African Rennaisance and African Union have become ‘beacons of hope’ for Africa and these have been discussed here. We can see NEPAD as a historical development that fits into the African Renaissance. This has been a mechanism to ensure state survival and the states that drive NEPAD have played a significant role in providing legitimacy to Africa’s calls for development. This thesis attempts to explain the shift in developmental policy in that NEPAD has seemingly become the first African development strategy that has the support of the West. Through this thesis, we will examine the role that the Post Washington consensus has played in getting this phase of African development started. What becomes significant here is the way in which governance has been accepted as the gauge for support in development. This study therefore aims to offer a means by which to analyse governance in multilateral organisations. As the term is contentious, three paradigms on governance will be provided in order to refine governance in such a way that it can be applied in analysis. This thesis shows that governance can be refined into corporatist, prebendal and conciliar forms. The form of governance that NEPAD will take has implications for the type of reconfiguration of the state brought about by governance.
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Date Issued: 2006

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Promotion of liberal values in South African foreign policy : beyond the structural imperatives of the international system?

- Mkalipi, Zanethemba

Authors: Mkalipi, Zanethemba
Date: 2002
Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
Identifier: vital:2865 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007662 , South Africa -- Foreign relations
Description: The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.
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Date Issued: 2002

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Towards a developed regional order: which way forward southern Africa?

- Blaauw, Abraham Lesley

Authors: Blaauw, Abraham Lesley
Date: 1997
Subjects: Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
Language: English
Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
Identifier: vital:2760 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002970 , Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
Description: The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.
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Date Issued: 1997

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