Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi 1993 -2005: a mediation perspective
- Authors: Kanuwa, Juma Mabasa
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Mediation -- Tanzania , Mediation -- Burundi Conflict management -- Tanzania Conflict management -- Burundi Hutu (African people) -- Burundi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30671 , vital:31011
- Description: The goal of this research was to examine Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi from 1993 to 2005, from a mediation theoretical perspective. To achieve this, a critical paradigm was used as the way to view the mediation process in the Great Lakes Region. The study also aimed at attaining a grounded theoretical understanding of the topic under study, including an in depth understanding of Tanzania’s history in conflict resolution, the historical causes of Burundi’s deep-rooted social conflict, theories of conflict and conflict resolution, third party intervention and mediation theories and perspectives. This study is underpinned by Bercovitch’s Mediation Framework and its quest for problem-solving. It is a qualitative study that used documentary review, individual interviews and focus group interviews as data-gathering instruments. The selection of the study sample was carried out according to a purposive approach. The data was collected from minutes of meetings, verbatim reports, letters, journals, books, individual interviews and focus group interviews. The findings of the study culminated in three major findings which are: the finding of the first research question on Tanzania’s mediation process that Tanzania’s motivation for mediating stemmed from its traditional foreign policy, the effectiveness of the intervention stemmed from its sound understanding of the root causes of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi and because the parties retained ownership of the mediation process. Other success factors were due to the third-party collaboration with International Organizations, and the use of a transformative mediation approach. The finding in respect of the second research question comparing Tanzania’s mediation process with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton was that there were similarities which were based on their assumptions in respect of social conflict, responses to conflict, the objectives of mediation, the role of mediator, the mediation action itself, the focus of mediator, timing of mediation and the success of mediation. With regards to the third question, the findings proposed improvements in respect of vii professionalism of the mediator, a change of mediation culture and attitude, the personality of mediators, diplomatic support for mediation and the institutionalisation and consolidation of conflict management. The study concluded by proposing a Professional Integration Mediation Practice (PIMP) framework. The PIMP framework was developed, based on the findings of the study, and anticipates the provision of guidance to mediators and facilitators on the use of a more Professional Integration Mediation Practice approach to facilitate a positive mediation process. The PIMP framework further provides a range of advantages in the process of conflict resolution with respect to deep–rooted social conflict. However, there is a need for agreement of international organizations on the use of professional mediators and facilitators in a mediation process. The PIMP framework can go a long way to effectively resolve deep–rooted social conflicts with the appropriate support of international organisations, and the international community as a whole.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Kanuwa, Juma Mabasa
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Mediation -- Tanzania , Mediation -- Burundi Conflict management -- Tanzania Conflict management -- Burundi Hutu (African people) -- Burundi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30671 , vital:31011
- Description: The goal of this research was to examine Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi from 1993 to 2005, from a mediation theoretical perspective. To achieve this, a critical paradigm was used as the way to view the mediation process in the Great Lakes Region. The study also aimed at attaining a grounded theoretical understanding of the topic under study, including an in depth understanding of Tanzania’s history in conflict resolution, the historical causes of Burundi’s deep-rooted social conflict, theories of conflict and conflict resolution, third party intervention and mediation theories and perspectives. This study is underpinned by Bercovitch’s Mediation Framework and its quest for problem-solving. It is a qualitative study that used documentary review, individual interviews and focus group interviews as data-gathering instruments. The selection of the study sample was carried out according to a purposive approach. The data was collected from minutes of meetings, verbatim reports, letters, journals, books, individual interviews and focus group interviews. The findings of the study culminated in three major findings which are: the finding of the first research question on Tanzania’s mediation process that Tanzania’s motivation for mediating stemmed from its traditional foreign policy, the effectiveness of the intervention stemmed from its sound understanding of the root causes of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi and because the parties retained ownership of the mediation process. Other success factors were due to the third-party collaboration with International Organizations, and the use of a transformative mediation approach. The finding in respect of the second research question comparing Tanzania’s mediation process with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton was that there were similarities which were based on their assumptions in respect of social conflict, responses to conflict, the objectives of mediation, the role of mediator, the mediation action itself, the focus of mediator, timing of mediation and the success of mediation. With regards to the third question, the findings proposed improvements in respect of vii professionalism of the mediator, a change of mediation culture and attitude, the personality of mediators, diplomatic support for mediation and the institutionalisation and consolidation of conflict management. The study concluded by proposing a Professional Integration Mediation Practice (PIMP) framework. The PIMP framework was developed, based on the findings of the study, and anticipates the provision of guidance to mediators and facilitators on the use of a more Professional Integration Mediation Practice approach to facilitate a positive mediation process. The PIMP framework further provides a range of advantages in the process of conflict resolution with respect to deep–rooted social conflict. However, there is a need for agreement of international organizations on the use of professional mediators and facilitators in a mediation process. The PIMP framework can go a long way to effectively resolve deep–rooted social conflicts with the appropriate support of international organisations, and the international community as a whole.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The state of constitutionalism in Uganda: 1962-2018
- Authors: Bashasha, Turyatemba Alex
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Constitutional history -- Uganda , Constitutional history Constitutional law -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/23669 , vital:30596
- Description: This Thesis examines the state of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018. The central question which it seeks to answer is: ‘why did Ugandan governments persistently fail to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism between 1962 and 2018?’ In answering this question, which has challenged and continues to challenge many academicians, politicians, government officials, researchers and the international community alike, the Thesis adopts the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism as a theoretical lens through which the behaviours of the post-independence presidents of Uganda are examined. The Thesis discovers that, indeed, Neo-patrimonialism is a fundamental framework for analysing and explaining constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda. Against this backdrop, the Thesis concludes that, the collective behaviours of Uganda’s post-independence presidents viewed through the lens of neo-patrimonialism are more fundamental in understanding the failure of democracy and good governance in Uganda than the country’s structural problems of constitutionalism. The originality of the Thesis is in: (a) its being the first comprehensive investigation into why Ugandan governments have persistently failed to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism for the entire period of 56 years (1962-2018) of post-independence Uganda; and (b) its being the first study to apply the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism in explaining the volatile nature and state of constitutionalism in Uganda. The contribution of the Thesis to the existing knowledge lies in its; (a) generation of detailed and well-researched information about the volatility of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018, (b) recommendation of strategies that should be adopted to effectively enhance consititutionalism in Uganda, and (c) authentication of the validity of the claims that despite its shortcomings, Neo-patrimonialism is a Theory which not only continues to define and drive African politics but its application can suitably be used to explain the volatile nature of constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda and the rest of Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Bashasha, Turyatemba Alex
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Constitutional history -- Uganda , Constitutional history Constitutional law -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/23669 , vital:30596
- Description: This Thesis examines the state of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018. The central question which it seeks to answer is: ‘why did Ugandan governments persistently fail to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism between 1962 and 2018?’ In answering this question, which has challenged and continues to challenge many academicians, politicians, government officials, researchers and the international community alike, the Thesis adopts the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism as a theoretical lens through which the behaviours of the post-independence presidents of Uganda are examined. The Thesis discovers that, indeed, Neo-patrimonialism is a fundamental framework for analysing and explaining constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda. Against this backdrop, the Thesis concludes that, the collective behaviours of Uganda’s post-independence presidents viewed through the lens of neo-patrimonialism are more fundamental in understanding the failure of democracy and good governance in Uganda than the country’s structural problems of constitutionalism. The originality of the Thesis is in: (a) its being the first comprehensive investigation into why Ugandan governments have persistently failed to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism for the entire period of 56 years (1962-2018) of post-independence Uganda; and (b) its being the first study to apply the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism in explaining the volatile nature and state of constitutionalism in Uganda. The contribution of the Thesis to the existing knowledge lies in its; (a) generation of detailed and well-researched information about the volatility of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018, (b) recommendation of strategies that should be adopted to effectively enhance consititutionalism in Uganda, and (c) authentication of the validity of the claims that despite its shortcomings, Neo-patrimonialism is a Theory which not only continues to define and drive African politics but its application can suitably be used to explain the volatile nature of constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda and the rest of Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Against all odds: the effect of electoral violence on the political participation of citizens: a case study of voters in Nairobi
- Authors: Plata, Stephanie
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political participation -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political violence -- Kenya -- Nairobi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5589 , vital:20913
- Description: Competitive national elections can play a significant role in the consolidation process of developing and established democracies alike. Nevertheless, if not handled adequately, they have the potential to bring long-existing, existential conflict lines to the surface. This electoral conflict, becoming manifest in election violence, has the potential to shy people off from voting and negatively affect their attitude towards elections and democracy in general. The present study examined the ways in which violent electoral conflict affected the political participation and the personal attitudes towards democracy of ordinary Kenyan citizens. Kenya has experienced violent electoral conflict repeatedly since the re-introduction of competitive elections in 1992 and became one of its prime examples due to the devastating 2008 post-election clashes. In order to answer the research questions, 32 semi-structured interviews with 34 victims of electoral violence coming from four main ‘hotspot areas’ of the 2008 post-election violence as well as four expert interviews were conducted. The study finds that the experience of violent electoral conflict led to diametrically opposed reactions in the behaviour of political participation among respondents. About two-thirds of them indicated a change in their behaviour of political participation. With 33% of the respondents found to be “participating more”, this group even outnumbers its “participating less” counterpart (30%). This finding is rather surprising as the experience of electoral violence is usually associated with the tendency to shy off from political participation, not only in Kenya. Based on their attitudinal dispositions towards democracy in general and towards democracy in Kenya more specifically, as well as towards Kenyan elections, politics and politicians, a fourfold typology of Kenyan citizens was developed from the sample. It includes: the voting citizen, the resigned citizen, the passive citizen, and the active citizen. The voting citizen with no further interest in politics or political participation was found to be the most prevalent type of citizen in the sample. Attention needs to be taken towards the resigned citizen, which could, in case of further violent electoral conflict and the continuing marginalization of specific ethnic groups, cause a threat to the stabilization process of Kenya’s democracy. Contributions of this study were in designing a destination identity framework as well as in discovering the identity of the city of Nelson Mandela Bay. Directions for future studies include the possibility to conduct a qualitative study on place identity so as to obtain a more nuanced understanding of sub-identities in the city.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Plata, Stephanie
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political participation -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political violence -- Kenya -- Nairobi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5589 , vital:20913
- Description: Competitive national elections can play a significant role in the consolidation process of developing and established democracies alike. Nevertheless, if not handled adequately, they have the potential to bring long-existing, existential conflict lines to the surface. This electoral conflict, becoming manifest in election violence, has the potential to shy people off from voting and negatively affect their attitude towards elections and democracy in general. The present study examined the ways in which violent electoral conflict affected the political participation and the personal attitudes towards democracy of ordinary Kenyan citizens. Kenya has experienced violent electoral conflict repeatedly since the re-introduction of competitive elections in 1992 and became one of its prime examples due to the devastating 2008 post-election clashes. In order to answer the research questions, 32 semi-structured interviews with 34 victims of electoral violence coming from four main ‘hotspot areas’ of the 2008 post-election violence as well as four expert interviews were conducted. The study finds that the experience of violent electoral conflict led to diametrically opposed reactions in the behaviour of political participation among respondents. About two-thirds of them indicated a change in their behaviour of political participation. With 33% of the respondents found to be “participating more”, this group even outnumbers its “participating less” counterpart (30%). This finding is rather surprising as the experience of electoral violence is usually associated with the tendency to shy off from political participation, not only in Kenya. Based on their attitudinal dispositions towards democracy in general and towards democracy in Kenya more specifically, as well as towards Kenyan elections, politics and politicians, a fourfold typology of Kenyan citizens was developed from the sample. It includes: the voting citizen, the resigned citizen, the passive citizen, and the active citizen. The voting citizen with no further interest in politics or political participation was found to be the most prevalent type of citizen in the sample. Attention needs to be taken towards the resigned citizen, which could, in case of further violent electoral conflict and the continuing marginalization of specific ethnic groups, cause a threat to the stabilization process of Kenya’s democracy. Contributions of this study were in designing a destination identity framework as well as in discovering the identity of the city of Nelson Mandela Bay. Directions for future studies include the possibility to conduct a qualitative study on place identity so as to obtain a more nuanced understanding of sub-identities in the city.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Conflict management in Kenyan electoral conflict: 2002-2012
- Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai
- Authors: Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa Elections -- Kenya Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286 , vital:27051
- Description: In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa Elections -- Kenya Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286 , vital:27051
- Description: In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Market triumphalism and the South Afican state: a case study of local government in the Eastern Cape
- Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin
- Authors: Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- East London -- Case studies , Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Case studies , Development economics -- South Africa -- East London , Development economics -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:8267 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014085
- Description: At a glance, this study is a critique of local development policies with specific reference to the Buffalo City and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities in the Eastern Cape. The researcher enters the debate by posing a primary research question: Do the Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) ventures that constitute anti-poverty strategies succeed in addressing the issues of poverty, and achieving more equitable development at the municipal level in the Eastern Cape? This research proposes a problem statement: The local development policies of PPP and BBBEE that are being applied through Local Economic Development strategies are not in the interests of the majority of people living in the Eastern Cape. At a methodological level this research employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches to answer the central question and to verify the problem statement of this study. This triangulation approach is employed to utilize the strengths of both quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, the researcher uses a number of different research instruments to collect the data including four hundred questionnaires, four focus groups and elite interviews in both municipalities. The findings of this study indicate that local development policies in both municipalities do not improve the lives of the people. This line of thinking is indicated by both the empirical study conducted by the researcher and is supported by a number of scholarly materials. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in Political Economy and Development Studies including other disciplines in Social and Economic Sciences. The central argument of this thesis is that both BBBEE and PPPs are inspired by neo-liberalism (BBBEE is not neo-liberal per se though it may be heavily influenced by it) and neo-liberalism in practice is contradictory in nature as it involves the allocation of state resources to politically influential individuals, rather than promoting economic development for the majority. The evidence of this research further shows that the local business and political elites through the BBBEE, PPPs and outsourcing of services are using their strong networks (associated political, social and capital resources) in their efforts for personal accumulation. The researcher in this study examines the local development policies from a particular standpoint which is a political economy approach. The business and political elites according to political economic perspective use state resources to enrich themselves.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Market triumphalism and the South Afican state: a case study of local government in the Eastern Cape
- Authors: Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- East London -- Case studies , Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Case studies , Development economics -- South Africa -- East London , Development economics -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:8267 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014085
- Description: At a glance, this study is a critique of local development policies with specific reference to the Buffalo City and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities in the Eastern Cape. The researcher enters the debate by posing a primary research question: Do the Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) ventures that constitute anti-poverty strategies succeed in addressing the issues of poverty, and achieving more equitable development at the municipal level in the Eastern Cape? This research proposes a problem statement: The local development policies of PPP and BBBEE that are being applied through Local Economic Development strategies are not in the interests of the majority of people living in the Eastern Cape. At a methodological level this research employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches to answer the central question and to verify the problem statement of this study. This triangulation approach is employed to utilize the strengths of both quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, the researcher uses a number of different research instruments to collect the data including four hundred questionnaires, four focus groups and elite interviews in both municipalities. The findings of this study indicate that local development policies in both municipalities do not improve the lives of the people. This line of thinking is indicated by both the empirical study conducted by the researcher and is supported by a number of scholarly materials. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in Political Economy and Development Studies including other disciplines in Social and Economic Sciences. The central argument of this thesis is that both BBBEE and PPPs are inspired by neo-liberalism (BBBEE is not neo-liberal per se though it may be heavily influenced by it) and neo-liberalism in practice is contradictory in nature as it involves the allocation of state resources to politically influential individuals, rather than promoting economic development for the majority. The evidence of this research further shows that the local business and political elites through the BBBEE, PPPs and outsourcing of services are using their strong networks (associated political, social and capital resources) in their efforts for personal accumulation. The researcher in this study examines the local development policies from a particular standpoint which is a political economy approach. The business and political elites according to political economic perspective use state resources to enrich themselves.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
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