A political economy of transformation in Nelson Mandela University Bay: a critical analysis of the construction sector 2005
- Authors: Mtimka, Ongama
- Date: 2022-12
- Subjects: Transformation -- Port Elizabeth -- Nelson Mandela Bay , Construction industry -- South Africa –Port Elizabeth , Politics -- Nelson Mandela Bay
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/59392 , vital:62077
- Description: In democracies and purportedly free market economies, questions of “who gets what, when, and how” ought to be resolved mainly through free competition, where those with the competitive advantage on merit are guaranteed to succeed. If it is political parties, they only have to compete well and fairly to win elections. If it is businesses, they ought to have the best value and price and they win customers. However, there are institutions which regulate this competition and political economic behaviour. Interest groups such as business chambers, industry and professional associations, as well as various structures of representation engage in the political economic space to sway the distribution outcomes from these “institutions” in the favour of their members. To do so, at times they use methods that affirm the principles and spirit of free competition and at other times, they do not. This thesis reviews the political economy of transformation within the construction sector in Nelson Mandela Bay to further advance knowledge within the subfield of political economy in South Africa. By looking at a specific economic sector, the study adds an important element to the sub-discipline, a nuance to the debates about the role of the state in the economy or macroeconomic policy and the much studied mining-energy complex. The study focuses on the role of small business forums created mostly by newcomers within the construction sector in the city and the methods they used to increase the share of their members in construction sector revenues. Their methods were unconventional and earned them the unfavourable term of ‘the construction mafia’. Through a grounded theoretical research process, this study details the story of the rise and fall of forums and dissects it in line with ongoing debates within political economy and related disciplines, particularly about the nexus between politics and business as well as the role of interest groups in pluralist political systems. Among other things, the study finds that the forums did not see the construction industry as a free market and did not take principles of competition in the sector as a given. As such, they sought to make and remake institutions of the sector in ways that could increase their share of revenues. In similar fashion to the roles of iinjoli nosokhaya in traditional isiXhosa ceremonies, they accorded to themselves the right to distribute benefits to their members contrary to legal and general market prescripts. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Government and Social sciences, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-12
- Authors: Mtimka, Ongama
- Date: 2022-12
- Subjects: Transformation -- Port Elizabeth -- Nelson Mandela Bay , Construction industry -- South Africa –Port Elizabeth , Politics -- Nelson Mandela Bay
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/59392 , vital:62077
- Description: In democracies and purportedly free market economies, questions of “who gets what, when, and how” ought to be resolved mainly through free competition, where those with the competitive advantage on merit are guaranteed to succeed. If it is political parties, they only have to compete well and fairly to win elections. If it is businesses, they ought to have the best value and price and they win customers. However, there are institutions which regulate this competition and political economic behaviour. Interest groups such as business chambers, industry and professional associations, as well as various structures of representation engage in the political economic space to sway the distribution outcomes from these “institutions” in the favour of their members. To do so, at times they use methods that affirm the principles and spirit of free competition and at other times, they do not. This thesis reviews the political economy of transformation within the construction sector in Nelson Mandela Bay to further advance knowledge within the subfield of political economy in South Africa. By looking at a specific economic sector, the study adds an important element to the sub-discipline, a nuance to the debates about the role of the state in the economy or macroeconomic policy and the much studied mining-energy complex. The study focuses on the role of small business forums created mostly by newcomers within the construction sector in the city and the methods they used to increase the share of their members in construction sector revenues. Their methods were unconventional and earned them the unfavourable term of ‘the construction mafia’. Through a grounded theoretical research process, this study details the story of the rise and fall of forums and dissects it in line with ongoing debates within political economy and related disciplines, particularly about the nexus between politics and business as well as the role of interest groups in pluralist political systems. Among other things, the study finds that the forums did not see the construction industry as a free market and did not take principles of competition in the sector as a given. As such, they sought to make and remake institutions of the sector in ways that could increase their share of revenues. In similar fashion to the roles of iinjoli nosokhaya in traditional isiXhosa ceremonies, they accorded to themselves the right to distribute benefits to their members contrary to legal and general market prescripts. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Government and Social sciences, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-12
Preventive diplomacy and conflict prevention in Africa: an examination of South Africa’s role in conflict resolution in the Democratic Republic of The Congo
- Authors: Mandela, Siyabulela
- Date: 2021-12
- Subjects: Port Elizabeth (South Africa) , Eastern Cape (South Africa) , South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/54471 , vital:46584
- Description: The Agenda 2063 tabled a blueprint of seven aspirations, for the Africa we want and one which was critical to this study being a peaceful and secure Africa. As postulated in this aspiration, by Agenda 2063, “Africa shall be free from armed conflict, terrorism, extremism, intolerance, and gender-based violence, which are major threats to human security, peace and development”. The Assembly of the AU committed in the agenda to fast-track actions to silence the guns by 2020, through enhanced dialogue-centred conflict prevention and resolution. The deadline for silencing guns and ending all wars in Africa was 2020, which has passed and Africa remains characterised by violent conflict and underdevelopment. Violent conflict of different magnitudes continues unabated across different states in Africa and remain insolent to any means towards resolution. The African continent is also a host to the most fragile states in the world, and the governments of these countries are unable to cultivate or facilitate the necessary conditions needed for sustainable peace and development. The conditions of poverty, frustration of basic human needs, maladministration, corruption, mismanagement of diversity and ethnic divisions so prevalent in Africa increase the likelihood of violent conflict. Conflict provention, preventive diplomacy, problem-solving workshops, peacebuilding and peacekeeping are all variants of peace operations deemed crucial in this study for Africa’s stability, peace and development. The advancement of preventive diplomacy and conflict provention as a hybrid framework for the prevention and resolution of violent conflict and promotion of sustainable peace and development in Africa was at the centre of this study. The study adopted John Burton’s basic human needs theory as a theoretical framework to further highlight an urgency by African states to prioritise policies and conflict resolution efforts directed at addressing the underlying issues giving rise to violent conflicts, if sustainable peace and development was to be realised in the continent. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-12
- Authors: Mandela, Siyabulela
- Date: 2021-12
- Subjects: Port Elizabeth (South Africa) , Eastern Cape (South Africa) , South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/54471 , vital:46584
- Description: The Agenda 2063 tabled a blueprint of seven aspirations, for the Africa we want and one which was critical to this study being a peaceful and secure Africa. As postulated in this aspiration, by Agenda 2063, “Africa shall be free from armed conflict, terrorism, extremism, intolerance, and gender-based violence, which are major threats to human security, peace and development”. The Assembly of the AU committed in the agenda to fast-track actions to silence the guns by 2020, through enhanced dialogue-centred conflict prevention and resolution. The deadline for silencing guns and ending all wars in Africa was 2020, which has passed and Africa remains characterised by violent conflict and underdevelopment. Violent conflict of different magnitudes continues unabated across different states in Africa and remain insolent to any means towards resolution. The African continent is also a host to the most fragile states in the world, and the governments of these countries are unable to cultivate or facilitate the necessary conditions needed for sustainable peace and development. The conditions of poverty, frustration of basic human needs, maladministration, corruption, mismanagement of diversity and ethnic divisions so prevalent in Africa increase the likelihood of violent conflict. Conflict provention, preventive diplomacy, problem-solving workshops, peacebuilding and peacekeeping are all variants of peace operations deemed crucial in this study for Africa’s stability, peace and development. The advancement of preventive diplomacy and conflict provention as a hybrid framework for the prevention and resolution of violent conflict and promotion of sustainable peace and development in Africa was at the centre of this study. The study adopted John Burton’s basic human needs theory as a theoretical framework to further highlight an urgency by African states to prioritise policies and conflict resolution efforts directed at addressing the underlying issues giving rise to violent conflicts, if sustainable peace and development was to be realised in the continent. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-12
Exploring workplace conflict, case study of a day care centre, Nyanga, Western Cape: a conflict management perspective
- Authors: Williams, Annuschka, Angela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Cape Town , Mediation and conciliation, Industrial Interpersonal conflict Organizational behavior Teams in the workplace
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/44412 , vital:37166
- Description: This study sought to explore a workplace conflict case study through a conflict management framework in an effort to offer recommendations to the organisation. The study was located in a day care centre, which has been in existence for over 15 years and which provides a number of health and social support services, and capacity-building opportunities for children, women and youth. The study presents a literature review and theoretical framework on conflict, workplace conflict and work conflict management as a backdrop for the empirical investigation. The study employed a qualitative research design and methodology. The study found that the conflict in the organisation has multiple bases, of which communication, structure and values are the major contributors. The conflict is both affective and substantive in nature. The essential divining force is the perceived and felt change in the organisational value and orientation which links to the historic versus the emerging developmental approach driving the organisational programmes.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Williams, Annuschka, Angela
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Cape Town , Mediation and conciliation, Industrial Interpersonal conflict Organizational behavior Teams in the workplace
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/44412 , vital:37166
- Description: This study sought to explore a workplace conflict case study through a conflict management framework in an effort to offer recommendations to the organisation. The study was located in a day care centre, which has been in existence for over 15 years and which provides a number of health and social support services, and capacity-building opportunities for children, women and youth. The study presents a literature review and theoretical framework on conflict, workplace conflict and work conflict management as a backdrop for the empirical investigation. The study employed a qualitative research design and methodology. The study found that the conflict in the organisation has multiple bases, of which communication, structure and values are the major contributors. The conflict is both affective and substantive in nature. The essential divining force is the perceived and felt change in the organisational value and orientation which links to the historic versus the emerging developmental approach driving the organisational programmes.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2019
An assessment of civil society peace building efforts in the Democratic Republic of Congo
- Authors: Tunda, Kitenge
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Peace-building -- Democratic Republic of Congo , Peacekeeping forces -- Developing countries Conflict management -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/35852 , vital:33853
- Description: During the Rwandan genocide, from April to July 1994, more than two million Rwandans, including Hutu extremists who feared retribution, fled to neighbouring countries. The majority of people who took refuge in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, known until May 1997 as Zaire) were located in North and South Kivu provinces. Tensions grew between DRC and Rwanda governments due to the use of refugee camps in North Kivu as rear bases by Hutu extremists to attack, destabilise and regain control of power in Rwanda (Leeuwen, 2008: 400). In 1996, a group of four political parties [the Council of Resistance for Democracy, the Revolutionary Movement for the Liberation of Congo, the Democratic Alliance of the People and the Party of the Peoples' Revolution] founded the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) to pursue regime change in DRC [First Congo war]. Mobutu’s 32 years of bad governance had transformed DRC into one of the poorest countries in the world despite its abundant wealth in natural resources. A deadly conflict erupted in 1998 [Second Congo war], in which several armed rebel groups supported by neighbouring countries sought to overthrow the regime of President Kabila. In 1999, a cease-fire agreement was signed in Lusaka, Zambia which paved the way for the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops. An inter-Congolese dialogue was convened in 2002 in South Africa. As a result of the dialogue, the war ended [sporadic conflicts continued] and a new transitional government of national unity was formed in June 2003. President Joseph Kabila, who was declared winner of the 2006 presidential elections, promised to restore peace and security in the Kivu provinces. But, after more than 10 years, the root causes of the conflict have not been resolved in South Kivu. The province still faces violence perpetrated by armed rebel groups, human insecurity, human rights violations and economic decline; all these issues have compromised the relative peace that local people have had for a couple of years. The treatise identifies, through a literature and documentary analysis, some local and external Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) which have been advocating, supporting and recommending post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) in South Kivu. The concept of Peacebuilding has been one of the core objectives of dozens of actors in South Kivu. The aim of this treatise is to assess local CSOs’ efforts in building peace in South Kivu. The author has evaluated their capacities in resolving the root causes of conflicts, building capacity of communities through training, delivering humanitarian assistance to vulnerable people, and working towards a sustainable and lasting stability in the province. This treatise’s objectives are aimed at assessing the works and challenges of local non-states actors and stakeholders in peace consolidation. The author has also outlined the programmes implemented by local actors to address the root causes of conflicts; has made recommendations to promote peace and has concluded that a durable stability can be achievable with the support of all peace stakeholders in Eastern DRC.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Tunda, Kitenge
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Peace-building -- Democratic Republic of Congo , Peacekeeping forces -- Developing countries Conflict management -- Developing countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/35852 , vital:33853
- Description: During the Rwandan genocide, from April to July 1994, more than two million Rwandans, including Hutu extremists who feared retribution, fled to neighbouring countries. The majority of people who took refuge in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC, known until May 1997 as Zaire) were located in North and South Kivu provinces. Tensions grew between DRC and Rwanda governments due to the use of refugee camps in North Kivu as rear bases by Hutu extremists to attack, destabilise and regain control of power in Rwanda (Leeuwen, 2008: 400). In 1996, a group of four political parties [the Council of Resistance for Democracy, the Revolutionary Movement for the Liberation of Congo, the Democratic Alliance of the People and the Party of the Peoples' Revolution] founded the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) to pursue regime change in DRC [First Congo war]. Mobutu’s 32 years of bad governance had transformed DRC into one of the poorest countries in the world despite its abundant wealth in natural resources. A deadly conflict erupted in 1998 [Second Congo war], in which several armed rebel groups supported by neighbouring countries sought to overthrow the regime of President Kabila. In 1999, a cease-fire agreement was signed in Lusaka, Zambia which paved the way for the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops. An inter-Congolese dialogue was convened in 2002 in South Africa. As a result of the dialogue, the war ended [sporadic conflicts continued] and a new transitional government of national unity was formed in June 2003. President Joseph Kabila, who was declared winner of the 2006 presidential elections, promised to restore peace and security in the Kivu provinces. But, after more than 10 years, the root causes of the conflict have not been resolved in South Kivu. The province still faces violence perpetrated by armed rebel groups, human insecurity, human rights violations and economic decline; all these issues have compromised the relative peace that local people have had for a couple of years. The treatise identifies, through a literature and documentary analysis, some local and external Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) which have been advocating, supporting and recommending post-conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) in South Kivu. The concept of Peacebuilding has been one of the core objectives of dozens of actors in South Kivu. The aim of this treatise is to assess local CSOs’ efforts in building peace in South Kivu. The author has evaluated their capacities in resolving the root causes of conflicts, building capacity of communities through training, delivering humanitarian assistance to vulnerable people, and working towards a sustainable and lasting stability in the province. This treatise’s objectives are aimed at assessing the works and challenges of local non-states actors and stakeholders in peace consolidation. The author has also outlined the programmes implemented by local actors to address the root causes of conflicts; has made recommendations to promote peace and has concluded that a durable stability can be achievable with the support of all peace stakeholders in Eastern DRC.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Exploring the continuities and discontinuities in South African political violence: the Sharpeville, Bhisho and Marikana massacres
- Authors: Menye, Mongezi
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Political violence , Sharpeville Massacre, Sharpeville, South Africa, 1960 Massacres -- South Africa -- Rustenburg Massacres -- South Africa -- Bisho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/32017 , vital:31914
- Description: This treatise focuses on the underlying factors of political violence before and after the end of apartheid in South Africa. Its emphasis is on the continuities and discontinuities of political violence with primary attention on the Sharpeville, Bhisho and Marikana Massacres. The treatise deals with the political and socio-economic factors that has led to the aforementioned massacres. This include the relative political, social and ideological strengths of differing political groups and their conflict resolution mechanism. The widespread and recurrent political violence in South Africa has been the connerstone of this study. The analysis established that the Sharpeville, Bhisho and Marikana Masacres had unwarranted consequences in South Africa. The understanding of current and past political violence is a fundamental initiative. This helps to clarify past political violence issues that were not addressed properly and are now resurfacing in a different form. The failure to address the root causes of political violence is the main challenge that has to be dealt with accordingly by government. The treatise also outlined the necessity and urgency of a new research on the training, control and command of members of the South African Police Services to ensure that where the police deal with members of the public engaged in legitimate democratic protest. The escalation of violence is defused and the official response to such violence is consistent with the provisions embedded in the South African Constitution.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Menye, Mongezi
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Political violence , Sharpeville Massacre, Sharpeville, South Africa, 1960 Massacres -- South Africa -- Rustenburg Massacres -- South Africa -- Bisho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/32017 , vital:31914
- Description: This treatise focuses on the underlying factors of political violence before and after the end of apartheid in South Africa. Its emphasis is on the continuities and discontinuities of political violence with primary attention on the Sharpeville, Bhisho and Marikana Massacres. The treatise deals with the political and socio-economic factors that has led to the aforementioned massacres. This include the relative political, social and ideological strengths of differing political groups and their conflict resolution mechanism. The widespread and recurrent political violence in South Africa has been the connerstone of this study. The analysis established that the Sharpeville, Bhisho and Marikana Masacres had unwarranted consequences in South Africa. The understanding of current and past political violence is a fundamental initiative. This helps to clarify past political violence issues that were not addressed properly and are now resurfacing in a different form. The failure to address the root causes of political violence is the main challenge that has to be dealt with accordingly by government. The treatise also outlined the necessity and urgency of a new research on the training, control and command of members of the South African Police Services to ensure that where the police deal with members of the public engaged in legitimate democratic protest. The escalation of violence is defused and the official response to such violence is consistent with the provisions embedded in the South African Constitution.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi 1993 -2005: a mediation perspective
- Authors: Kanuwa, Juma Mabasa
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Mediation -- Tanzania , Mediation -- Burundi Conflict management -- Tanzania Conflict management -- Burundi Hutu (African people) -- Burundi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30671 , vital:31011
- Description: The goal of this research was to examine Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi from 1993 to 2005, from a mediation theoretical perspective. To achieve this, a critical paradigm was used as the way to view the mediation process in the Great Lakes Region. The study also aimed at attaining a grounded theoretical understanding of the topic under study, including an in depth understanding of Tanzania’s history in conflict resolution, the historical causes of Burundi’s deep-rooted social conflict, theories of conflict and conflict resolution, third party intervention and mediation theories and perspectives. This study is underpinned by Bercovitch’s Mediation Framework and its quest for problem-solving. It is a qualitative study that used documentary review, individual interviews and focus group interviews as data-gathering instruments. The selection of the study sample was carried out according to a purposive approach. The data was collected from minutes of meetings, verbatim reports, letters, journals, books, individual interviews and focus group interviews. The findings of the study culminated in three major findings which are: the finding of the first research question on Tanzania’s mediation process that Tanzania’s motivation for mediating stemmed from its traditional foreign policy, the effectiveness of the intervention stemmed from its sound understanding of the root causes of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi and because the parties retained ownership of the mediation process. Other success factors were due to the third-party collaboration with International Organizations, and the use of a transformative mediation approach. The finding in respect of the second research question comparing Tanzania’s mediation process with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton was that there were similarities which were based on their assumptions in respect of social conflict, responses to conflict, the objectives of mediation, the role of mediator, the mediation action itself, the focus of mediator, timing of mediation and the success of mediation. With regards to the third question, the findings proposed improvements in respect of vii professionalism of the mediator, a change of mediation culture and attitude, the personality of mediators, diplomatic support for mediation and the institutionalisation and consolidation of conflict management. The study concluded by proposing a Professional Integration Mediation Practice (PIMP) framework. The PIMP framework was developed, based on the findings of the study, and anticipates the provision of guidance to mediators and facilitators on the use of a more Professional Integration Mediation Practice approach to facilitate a positive mediation process. The PIMP framework further provides a range of advantages in the process of conflict resolution with respect to deep–rooted social conflict. However, there is a need for agreement of international organizations on the use of professional mediators and facilitators in a mediation process. The PIMP framework can go a long way to effectively resolve deep–rooted social conflicts with the appropriate support of international organisations, and the international community as a whole.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Kanuwa, Juma Mabasa
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Mediation -- Tanzania , Mediation -- Burundi Conflict management -- Tanzania Conflict management -- Burundi Hutu (African people) -- Burundi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/30671 , vital:31011
- Description: The goal of this research was to examine Tanzania’s mediation process in the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi parties in Burundi from 1993 to 2005, from a mediation theoretical perspective. To achieve this, a critical paradigm was used as the way to view the mediation process in the Great Lakes Region. The study also aimed at attaining a grounded theoretical understanding of the topic under study, including an in depth understanding of Tanzania’s history in conflict resolution, the historical causes of Burundi’s deep-rooted social conflict, theories of conflict and conflict resolution, third party intervention and mediation theories and perspectives. This study is underpinned by Bercovitch’s Mediation Framework and its quest for problem-solving. It is a qualitative study that used documentary review, individual interviews and focus group interviews as data-gathering instruments. The selection of the study sample was carried out according to a purposive approach. The data was collected from minutes of meetings, verbatim reports, letters, journals, books, individual interviews and focus group interviews. The findings of the study culminated in three major findings which are: the finding of the first research question on Tanzania’s mediation process that Tanzania’s motivation for mediating stemmed from its traditional foreign policy, the effectiveness of the intervention stemmed from its sound understanding of the root causes of the conflict between the Hutu and Tutsi and because the parties retained ownership of the mediation process. Other success factors were due to the third-party collaboration with International Organizations, and the use of a transformative mediation approach. The finding in respect of the second research question comparing Tanzania’s mediation process with the mediation perspectives of Bercovitch and Burton was that there were similarities which were based on their assumptions in respect of social conflict, responses to conflict, the objectives of mediation, the role of mediator, the mediation action itself, the focus of mediator, timing of mediation and the success of mediation. With regards to the third question, the findings proposed improvements in respect of vii professionalism of the mediator, a change of mediation culture and attitude, the personality of mediators, diplomatic support for mediation and the institutionalisation and consolidation of conflict management. The study concluded by proposing a Professional Integration Mediation Practice (PIMP) framework. The PIMP framework was developed, based on the findings of the study, and anticipates the provision of guidance to mediators and facilitators on the use of a more Professional Integration Mediation Practice approach to facilitate a positive mediation process. The PIMP framework further provides a range of advantages in the process of conflict resolution with respect to deep–rooted social conflict. However, there is a need for agreement of international organizations on the use of professional mediators and facilitators in a mediation process. The PIMP framework can go a long way to effectively resolve deep–rooted social conflicts with the appropriate support of international organisations, and the international community as a whole.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The relevance of conflict management in response to gangsterism: a case study of a community – based organisation in Gelvandale
- Authors: Hiles, Ronel Bernadette
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Gangs -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Community organization -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Port Elizabeth (South Africa) -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/22189 , vital:29869
- Description: This research study sought to provide a primary base from which key strategies can be developed to address the gangsterism, drug and violence challenges in Gelvandale, in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and the surrounding areas. It also examined at the relevance of conflict management in response to gangsterism and the daily struggles of NGOs and the community. Gangsterism and violence in the Northern Areas have evolved in the last decade to an extent where the police sometimes fear to go and investigate. This problem stems from decades of socio-economic difficulties and a struggle for a better life in the Coloured community. The Group Areas Act of the 1960s still affects people of colour and marginalises them greatly. It is important that Gelvandale and the surrounding areas be recognised as the heart of the gang problem in the EC and that it demands the urgent attention of policy makers, law enforcement and civil society. Many organisations like ES are doing their best to bring about peace in the Northern Areas but it is difficult without the full support and cooperation of the community and especially the police. It is recommended that NMU work together with NGOs and NPOs to give them guidance and training sessions on negotiations, mediations and facilitation. The Northern Areas has a protracted political and social history which deserves more attention, acknowledgement and direction from authorities, policy makers and researchers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Hiles, Ronel Bernadette
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Gangs -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Community organization -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth Port Elizabeth (South Africa) -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/22189 , vital:29869
- Description: This research study sought to provide a primary base from which key strategies can be developed to address the gangsterism, drug and violence challenges in Gelvandale, in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and the surrounding areas. It also examined at the relevance of conflict management in response to gangsterism and the daily struggles of NGOs and the community. Gangsterism and violence in the Northern Areas have evolved in the last decade to an extent where the police sometimes fear to go and investigate. This problem stems from decades of socio-economic difficulties and a struggle for a better life in the Coloured community. The Group Areas Act of the 1960s still affects people of colour and marginalises them greatly. It is important that Gelvandale and the surrounding areas be recognised as the heart of the gang problem in the EC and that it demands the urgent attention of policy makers, law enforcement and civil society. Many organisations like ES are doing their best to bring about peace in the Northern Areas but it is difficult without the full support and cooperation of the community and especially the police. It is recommended that NMU work together with NGOs and NPOs to give them guidance and training sessions on negotiations, mediations and facilitation. The Northern Areas has a protracted political and social history which deserves more attention, acknowledgement and direction from authorities, policy makers and researchers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The state of constitutionalism in Uganda: 1962-2018
- Authors: Bashasha, Turyatemba Alex
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Constitutional history -- Uganda , Constitutional history Constitutional law -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/23669 , vital:30596
- Description: This Thesis examines the state of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018. The central question which it seeks to answer is: ‘why did Ugandan governments persistently fail to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism between 1962 and 2018?’ In answering this question, which has challenged and continues to challenge many academicians, politicians, government officials, researchers and the international community alike, the Thesis adopts the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism as a theoretical lens through which the behaviours of the post-independence presidents of Uganda are examined. The Thesis discovers that, indeed, Neo-patrimonialism is a fundamental framework for analysing and explaining constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda. Against this backdrop, the Thesis concludes that, the collective behaviours of Uganda’s post-independence presidents viewed through the lens of neo-patrimonialism are more fundamental in understanding the failure of democracy and good governance in Uganda than the country’s structural problems of constitutionalism. The originality of the Thesis is in: (a) its being the first comprehensive investigation into why Ugandan governments have persistently failed to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism for the entire period of 56 years (1962-2018) of post-independence Uganda; and (b) its being the first study to apply the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism in explaining the volatile nature and state of constitutionalism in Uganda. The contribution of the Thesis to the existing knowledge lies in its; (a) generation of detailed and well-researched information about the volatility of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018, (b) recommendation of strategies that should be adopted to effectively enhance consititutionalism in Uganda, and (c) authentication of the validity of the claims that despite its shortcomings, Neo-patrimonialism is a Theory which not only continues to define and drive African politics but its application can suitably be used to explain the volatile nature of constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda and the rest of Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Bashasha, Turyatemba Alex
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Constitutional history -- Uganda , Constitutional history Constitutional law -- Uganda
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/23669 , vital:30596
- Description: This Thesis examines the state of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018. The central question which it seeks to answer is: ‘why did Ugandan governments persistently fail to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism between 1962 and 2018?’ In answering this question, which has challenged and continues to challenge many academicians, politicians, government officials, researchers and the international community alike, the Thesis adopts the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism as a theoretical lens through which the behaviours of the post-independence presidents of Uganda are examined. The Thesis discovers that, indeed, Neo-patrimonialism is a fundamental framework for analysing and explaining constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda. Against this backdrop, the Thesis concludes that, the collective behaviours of Uganda’s post-independence presidents viewed through the lens of neo-patrimonialism are more fundamental in understanding the failure of democracy and good governance in Uganda than the country’s structural problems of constitutionalism. The originality of the Thesis is in: (a) its being the first comprehensive investigation into why Ugandan governments have persistently failed to adhere to the basic requirements of the doctrine of constitutionalism for the entire period of 56 years (1962-2018) of post-independence Uganda; and (b) its being the first study to apply the Theory of Neo-patrimonialism in explaining the volatile nature and state of constitutionalism in Uganda. The contribution of the Thesis to the existing knowledge lies in its; (a) generation of detailed and well-researched information about the volatility of constitutionalism in Uganda between 1962 and 2018, (b) recommendation of strategies that should be adopted to effectively enhance consititutionalism in Uganda, and (c) authentication of the validity of the claims that despite its shortcomings, Neo-patrimonialism is a Theory which not only continues to define and drive African politics but its application can suitably be used to explain the volatile nature of constitutionalism in post-independence Uganda and the rest of Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
An analysis of military power sharing in Mozambique: a conflict management perspective
- Molefhe, Ishmael Rapula Moagi
- Authors: Molefhe, Ishmael Rapula Moagi
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Armed Forces -- Mozambique Armed Forces , Civil service -- Mozambique Mozambique -- Armed Forces -- Management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19212 , vital:28788
- Description: This study is a conceptual analysis of power-sharing. It applies power-sharing in the context of Mozambique. The study is informed on the premise that components of power sharing contribute to the duration of peace. However, findings from empirical investigations show that certain types of power sharing are associated with more durable peace than others, primarily through their positive effects on governance and public service delivery. The specific objectives of the study were to contextualize the concept of military power sharing arrangement; to explore the challenges faced in implementing the military power sharing arrangement in Mozambique; to explore the strategies used to manage the Mozambique peace process; to ascertain the challenges faced by the BDF during the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO forces; and to propose recommendations for future interventions. In order to achieve these objectives, the study used a purposive sampling technique to assemble participants that provided useful data for the study. The target population was made up of members of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) who participated in the United Nations Peace Mission in Mozambique dubbed UNOMOZ; and those who conducted the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO military personnel Thematic analysis of the participants’ responses from the interviews was used to address the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that poorly trained military personnel were a challenge to the implementation of power sharing deal in Mozambique. Also, there was a lack of trust and confidence between constituent parties, and a lack of transitional authority in holding forth power until the power sharing deal was fully implemented. In addition, the study found out that there was the problem of language barrier, and that very little counselling was offered to those who were traumatized by the conflict. Also, there was a kind of unwillingness by civilians to accept former combatants in their midst and a lack of logistics for both the peace keepers and the combatants. Among others, the study recommended that NGOs, civil society organizations, and churches should be more pro-active in engaging the government and not only ensuring that every party involved in the power-sharing deal fulfills its role, but also organizing and carrying out counselling sessions for ex-combatants as part of reintegration process.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Molefhe, Ishmael Rapula Moagi
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Armed Forces -- Mozambique Armed Forces , Civil service -- Mozambique Mozambique -- Armed Forces -- Management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19212 , vital:28788
- Description: This study is a conceptual analysis of power-sharing. It applies power-sharing in the context of Mozambique. The study is informed on the premise that components of power sharing contribute to the duration of peace. However, findings from empirical investigations show that certain types of power sharing are associated with more durable peace than others, primarily through their positive effects on governance and public service delivery. The specific objectives of the study were to contextualize the concept of military power sharing arrangement; to explore the challenges faced in implementing the military power sharing arrangement in Mozambique; to explore the strategies used to manage the Mozambique peace process; to ascertain the challenges faced by the BDF during the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO forces; and to propose recommendations for future interventions. In order to achieve these objectives, the study used a purposive sampling technique to assemble participants that provided useful data for the study. The target population was made up of members of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) who participated in the United Nations Peace Mission in Mozambique dubbed UNOMOZ; and those who conducted the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO military personnel Thematic analysis of the participants’ responses from the interviews was used to address the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that poorly trained military personnel were a challenge to the implementation of power sharing deal in Mozambique. Also, there was a lack of trust and confidence between constituent parties, and a lack of transitional authority in holding forth power until the power sharing deal was fully implemented. In addition, the study found out that there was the problem of language barrier, and that very little counselling was offered to those who were traumatized by the conflict. Also, there was a kind of unwillingness by civilians to accept former combatants in their midst and a lack of logistics for both the peace keepers and the combatants. Among others, the study recommended that NGOs, civil society organizations, and churches should be more pro-active in engaging the government and not only ensuring that every party involved in the power-sharing deal fulfills its role, but also organizing and carrying out counselling sessions for ex-combatants as part of reintegration process.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
An analysis of quota conflicts in the fishing industry of the Western Cape: the plight of the small scale fisher sector from 1994 to the present day
- Authors: Green, Michael Anthony
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Small-scale fisheries -- South Africa Fishery policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/18838 , vital:28736
- Description: This treatise tracks the sequence of events that took place within the South African Fishing Industry post 1994, and focuses specifically on the plight of the small scale artisanal fisher sector, which operates in the in-shore and near-shore coastal waters of the Western and Southern Cape. In exploring this area of conflict, it focuses on the attempts of this sector to gain official recognition, sanction and inclusion in the country’s statutory framework. It is an intensive investigation into the activities of the various role players, being this fisher sector, various fishing bodies, the government and business, and through personal interactions with these stakeholders, a diverse set of perceptions and perspectives is detailed. Through the use of Participlan methodology, utilised in one-on-one interactions as well as focus group workshops, issues relating to the past, present and future are surfaced, leading to what the different entities believe to be a collective way forward. The dissertation concludes that there is a need for the three entities as defined, to communicate on a formalised basis in order to progress issues relating to the management, protection and sustainability of the in-shore and near-shore fish resources. It shows further that there is a desire and willingness across all these sectors to share ideas and thoughts in a structured environment to establish a common ground and to create a solution to resolve this conflict scenario. Specifically, the study illustrates that the small-scale artisanal fisher sector is a justifiable participant in the fishing industry, warranting recognition and inclusion as a distinct entity in the country’s Marine Living Resources Act.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Green, Michael Anthony
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Small-scale fisheries -- South Africa Fishery policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/18838 , vital:28736
- Description: This treatise tracks the sequence of events that took place within the South African Fishing Industry post 1994, and focuses specifically on the plight of the small scale artisanal fisher sector, which operates in the in-shore and near-shore coastal waters of the Western and Southern Cape. In exploring this area of conflict, it focuses on the attempts of this sector to gain official recognition, sanction and inclusion in the country’s statutory framework. It is an intensive investigation into the activities of the various role players, being this fisher sector, various fishing bodies, the government and business, and through personal interactions with these stakeholders, a diverse set of perceptions and perspectives is detailed. Through the use of Participlan methodology, utilised in one-on-one interactions as well as focus group workshops, issues relating to the past, present and future are surfaced, leading to what the different entities believe to be a collective way forward. The dissertation concludes that there is a need for the three entities as defined, to communicate on a formalised basis in order to progress issues relating to the management, protection and sustainability of the in-shore and near-shore fish resources. It shows further that there is a desire and willingness across all these sectors to share ideas and thoughts in a structured environment to establish a common ground and to create a solution to resolve this conflict scenario. Specifically, the study illustrates that the small-scale artisanal fisher sector is a justifiable participant in the fishing industry, warranting recognition and inclusion as a distinct entity in the country’s Marine Living Resources Act.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
An exploration of conflict related to land holding entities in the South African land reform process
- Authors: Georghiades, George
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa Land tenure -- South Africa , Conflict management -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15600 , vital:28275
- Description: This evaluative study aims to identify and analyse conflicts within the South African land reform process that have manifested within Communal Property Institutions, and so doing, devising and providing a mechanism that will assist conflict practitioners to approach these conflicts in an informed manner. It further intends to provide for an approach in order to restore social justice to the land reform process, and so doing, suggesting resolution mechanisms to assist in the process for the reasons that this restoration of land rights was originally intended. This study further seeks to investigate the causes, actions and consequences of protagonistic land claimants and beneficiaries within the land reform process, who have created conflict within their communal property institutions, at the expense of those beneficiaries who are subsequently deprived of their land rights. According to Coate and Rosati (1988), human needs are a powerful source of explanation of human behaviour and social interaction. All individuals have needs that they strive to satisfy, either by using a system of “acting on the fringes” or acting as a reformist or revolutionary. Given this condition, social systems must be responsive to individual needs, or be subject to instability and forced change, possibly through violence or conflict). Humans need a number of essentials to survive. According to the renowned psychologist Abraham Maslow and the conflict scholar John Burton, these essentials go beyond just food, water, and shelter. They include both physical and non-physical elements needed for human growth and development, as well as all those things humans are innately driven to attain. For Maslow, needs are hierarchical in nature. That is, each need has a specific ranking or order of obtainment. Maslow's needs pyramid starts with the basic items of food, water, and shelter. These are followed by the need for safety and security, then belonging or love, self-esteem, and finally, personal fulfilment (Rothman J, 1997). Burton and other needs theorists who have adopted Maslow's ideas to conflict theory, however, perceive human needs in a different way, being rather as an emergent collection of human development essentials (Burton J, 1990). Furthermore, they contend needs do not have a hierarchical order. Rather, needs are sought simultaneously in an intense and relentless manner (Rothman J, 1997). Needs theorists' list of human essentials include safety, a sense of belonging (love), self esteem, personal fulfilment,identity, cultural security, freedom, distributive justice, and participation. The South African land restoration process relies largely on the Constitution of South Africa (1996), with the preamble thereof as its tenets. The three land reform programmes that emanate from the Constitution are the Land Redistribution Programme, the Land Tenure Reform programme, and the Land Restitution programme, which have been used in this study as the point of departure from which deviations are measured and analysed. A number of Communal property Institutions have been considered, the findings of which have been evaluated, investigated and analysed, in order to achieve the aims of this study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
An exploration of conflict related to land holding entities in the South African land reform process
- Authors: Georghiades, George
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa Land tenure -- South Africa , Conflict management -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15600 , vital:28275
- Description: This evaluative study aims to identify and analyse conflicts within the South African land reform process that have manifested within Communal Property Institutions, and so doing, devising and providing a mechanism that will assist conflict practitioners to approach these conflicts in an informed manner. It further intends to provide for an approach in order to restore social justice to the land reform process, and so doing, suggesting resolution mechanisms to assist in the process for the reasons that this restoration of land rights was originally intended. This study further seeks to investigate the causes, actions and consequences of protagonistic land claimants and beneficiaries within the land reform process, who have created conflict within their communal property institutions, at the expense of those beneficiaries who are subsequently deprived of their land rights. According to Coate and Rosati (1988), human needs are a powerful source of explanation of human behaviour and social interaction. All individuals have needs that they strive to satisfy, either by using a system of “acting on the fringes” or acting as a reformist or revolutionary. Given this condition, social systems must be responsive to individual needs, or be subject to instability and forced change, possibly through violence or conflict). Humans need a number of essentials to survive. According to the renowned psychologist Abraham Maslow and the conflict scholar John Burton, these essentials go beyond just food, water, and shelter. They include both physical and non-physical elements needed for human growth and development, as well as all those things humans are innately driven to attain. For Maslow, needs are hierarchical in nature. That is, each need has a specific ranking or order of obtainment. Maslow's needs pyramid starts with the basic items of food, water, and shelter. These are followed by the need for safety and security, then belonging or love, self-esteem, and finally, personal fulfilment (Rothman J, 1997). Burton and other needs theorists who have adopted Maslow's ideas to conflict theory, however, perceive human needs in a different way, being rather as an emergent collection of human development essentials (Burton J, 1990). Furthermore, they contend needs do not have a hierarchical order. Rather, needs are sought simultaneously in an intense and relentless manner (Rothman J, 1997). Needs theorists' list of human essentials include safety, a sense of belonging (love), self esteem, personal fulfilment,identity, cultural security, freedom, distributive justice, and participation. The South African land restoration process relies largely on the Constitution of South Africa (1996), with the preamble thereof as its tenets. The three land reform programmes that emanate from the Constitution are the Land Redistribution Programme, the Land Tenure Reform programme, and the Land Restitution programme, which have been used in this study as the point of departure from which deviations are measured and analysed. A number of Communal property Institutions have been considered, the findings of which have been evaluated, investigated and analysed, in order to achieve the aims of this study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
A text-critical analysis of potentially conflict-provoking genres of the Christian bible
- Authors: Grigor, Pierre
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Church history , Transformation groups , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/11289 , vital:26906
- Description: This dissertation wants to understand the church history regarding the divide which resulted in the so called fundamentalist and the liberal movements in the church being birthed in identifying the reasons for the conflict between the aforementioned groups. It then presents principles of conflict transformation and management in order to understand and to help transform and manage potential confrontational situations between the aforementioned groups effectively. It further propose alternative interpretations to potential conflict-generating Bible texts by extrapolating new information from those texts in order to stir the potential of birthing a second naïve love for the discredited texts by offering new meanings to those same texts. Unfortunately, this objective can’t effectively be measured within the scope of this dissertation, but will nevertheless remain as an objective of hope.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Grigor, Pierre
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Church history , Transformation groups , Conflict management
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/11289 , vital:26906
- Description: This dissertation wants to understand the church history regarding the divide which resulted in the so called fundamentalist and the liberal movements in the church being birthed in identifying the reasons for the conflict between the aforementioned groups. It then presents principles of conflict transformation and management in order to understand and to help transform and manage potential confrontational situations between the aforementioned groups effectively. It further propose alternative interpretations to potential conflict-generating Bible texts by extrapolating new information from those texts in order to stir the potential of birthing a second naïve love for the discredited texts by offering new meanings to those same texts. Unfortunately, this objective can’t effectively be measured within the scope of this dissertation, but will nevertheless remain as an objective of hope.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Against all odds: the effect of electoral violence on the political participation of citizens: a case study of voters in Nairobi
- Authors: Plata, Stephanie
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political participation -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political violence -- Kenya -- Nairobi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5589 , vital:20913
- Description: Competitive national elections can play a significant role in the consolidation process of developing and established democracies alike. Nevertheless, if not handled adequately, they have the potential to bring long-existing, existential conflict lines to the surface. This electoral conflict, becoming manifest in election violence, has the potential to shy people off from voting and negatively affect their attitude towards elections and democracy in general. The present study examined the ways in which violent electoral conflict affected the political participation and the personal attitudes towards democracy of ordinary Kenyan citizens. Kenya has experienced violent electoral conflict repeatedly since the re-introduction of competitive elections in 1992 and became one of its prime examples due to the devastating 2008 post-election clashes. In order to answer the research questions, 32 semi-structured interviews with 34 victims of electoral violence coming from four main ‘hotspot areas’ of the 2008 post-election violence as well as four expert interviews were conducted. The study finds that the experience of violent electoral conflict led to diametrically opposed reactions in the behaviour of political participation among respondents. About two-thirds of them indicated a change in their behaviour of political participation. With 33% of the respondents found to be “participating more”, this group even outnumbers its “participating less” counterpart (30%). This finding is rather surprising as the experience of electoral violence is usually associated with the tendency to shy off from political participation, not only in Kenya. Based on their attitudinal dispositions towards democracy in general and towards democracy in Kenya more specifically, as well as towards Kenyan elections, politics and politicians, a fourfold typology of Kenyan citizens was developed from the sample. It includes: the voting citizen, the resigned citizen, the passive citizen, and the active citizen. The voting citizen with no further interest in politics or political participation was found to be the most prevalent type of citizen in the sample. Attention needs to be taken towards the resigned citizen, which could, in case of further violent electoral conflict and the continuing marginalization of specific ethnic groups, cause a threat to the stabilization process of Kenya’s democracy. Contributions of this study were in designing a destination identity framework as well as in discovering the identity of the city of Nelson Mandela Bay. Directions for future studies include the possibility to conduct a qualitative study on place identity so as to obtain a more nuanced understanding of sub-identities in the city.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Plata, Stephanie
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Elections -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political participation -- Kenya -- Nairobi , Political violence -- Kenya -- Nairobi
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5589 , vital:20913
- Description: Competitive national elections can play a significant role in the consolidation process of developing and established democracies alike. Nevertheless, if not handled adequately, they have the potential to bring long-existing, existential conflict lines to the surface. This electoral conflict, becoming manifest in election violence, has the potential to shy people off from voting and negatively affect their attitude towards elections and democracy in general. The present study examined the ways in which violent electoral conflict affected the political participation and the personal attitudes towards democracy of ordinary Kenyan citizens. Kenya has experienced violent electoral conflict repeatedly since the re-introduction of competitive elections in 1992 and became one of its prime examples due to the devastating 2008 post-election clashes. In order to answer the research questions, 32 semi-structured interviews with 34 victims of electoral violence coming from four main ‘hotspot areas’ of the 2008 post-election violence as well as four expert interviews were conducted. The study finds that the experience of violent electoral conflict led to diametrically opposed reactions in the behaviour of political participation among respondents. About two-thirds of them indicated a change in their behaviour of political participation. With 33% of the respondents found to be “participating more”, this group even outnumbers its “participating less” counterpart (30%). This finding is rather surprising as the experience of electoral violence is usually associated with the tendency to shy off from political participation, not only in Kenya. Based on their attitudinal dispositions towards democracy in general and towards democracy in Kenya more specifically, as well as towards Kenyan elections, politics and politicians, a fourfold typology of Kenyan citizens was developed from the sample. It includes: the voting citizen, the resigned citizen, the passive citizen, and the active citizen. The voting citizen with no further interest in politics or political participation was found to be the most prevalent type of citizen in the sample. Attention needs to be taken towards the resigned citizen, which could, in case of further violent electoral conflict and the continuing marginalization of specific ethnic groups, cause a threat to the stabilization process of Kenya’s democracy. Contributions of this study were in designing a destination identity framework as well as in discovering the identity of the city of Nelson Mandela Bay. Directions for future studies include the possibility to conduct a qualitative study on place identity so as to obtain a more nuanced understanding of sub-identities in the city.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Conflict management in Kenyan electoral conflict: 2002-2012
- Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai
- Authors: Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa Elections -- Kenya Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286 , vital:27051
- Description: In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Muhindi, Solomon Peter Kavai
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa Elections -- Kenya Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/12286 , vital:27051
- Description: In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
South African labour law and conflict resolution: towards a theoretical critique
- Authors: Jooste, Nico
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Labor disputes -- South Africa , Conflict management -- South Africa , Mediation -- South Africa , Labor laws and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/7417 , vital:21357
- Description: The intention of this treatise is to reflect on the concept, as well as on the theory, of conflict resolution and to investigate whether the mechanisms of true conflict resolution are afforded within the structures and instruments provided for by the South African Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995). The Act aims to give effect to one of its primary purpose of advancing labour peace by attempting to promote the effective resolution of labour disputes through a very sophisticated system of dispute resolution. What is of great significance is that The Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) has been experiencing an increasingly high rate of disputes referred to it since its inception in 1996. In my review I established that the dispute resolution system is a construction of rules and statutes which concentrates on rights, rather than on conflict management. However, rights only imperfectly reflect basic human needs, which continue to dominate human behaviour mechanisms that indeed facilitate processes and guidelines of resolving labour disputes, but fail to acknowledge and make provision for the resolution of a latent or manifest conflict. The instruments afforded by the Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995) fail to explore and entertain the needs most relevant and significant to the perception of social conflicts such as security, identity, personal development and recognition as suggested by conflict theorists and scholars. It also fails to acknowledge that parties to a dispute undergo psychological changes that could flow over to community changes and group dynamics as the parties become polarised and become more contentious as the conflict escalates. My review gave more substance to my original assumption that the current South African labour dispute resolution system does not harmonize itself with its own objective of promoting true labour peace.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Jooste, Nico
- Date: 2016
- Subjects: Labor disputes -- South Africa , Conflict management -- South Africa , Mediation -- South Africa , Labor laws and legislation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/7417 , vital:21357
- Description: The intention of this treatise is to reflect on the concept, as well as on the theory, of conflict resolution and to investigate whether the mechanisms of true conflict resolution are afforded within the structures and instruments provided for by the South African Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995). The Act aims to give effect to one of its primary purpose of advancing labour peace by attempting to promote the effective resolution of labour disputes through a very sophisticated system of dispute resolution. What is of great significance is that The Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) has been experiencing an increasingly high rate of disputes referred to it since its inception in 1996. In my review I established that the dispute resolution system is a construction of rules and statutes which concentrates on rights, rather than on conflict management. However, rights only imperfectly reflect basic human needs, which continue to dominate human behaviour mechanisms that indeed facilitate processes and guidelines of resolving labour disputes, but fail to acknowledge and make provision for the resolution of a latent or manifest conflict. The instruments afforded by the Labour Relations Act (66 of 1995) fail to explore and entertain the needs most relevant and significant to the perception of social conflicts such as security, identity, personal development and recognition as suggested by conflict theorists and scholars. It also fails to acknowledge that parties to a dispute undergo psychological changes that could flow over to community changes and group dynamics as the parties become polarised and become more contentious as the conflict escalates. My review gave more substance to my original assumption that the current South African labour dispute resolution system does not harmonize itself with its own objective of promoting true labour peace.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
An evaluation of intervention strategies into gangsterism in the Helenvale area
- Authors: Jonas, Branton
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Gang members -- Rehabilitation -- South Africa Social work with youth -- South Africa Juvenile delinquency -- South Africa -- Prevention , Problem youth -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/10890 , vital:26833
- Description: The impact of intervention strategies to reduce gang related violence by Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the community at large has so far not attracted much attention or support from provincial and national authorities. Helenvale and its surrounding areas plays an integral part of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality as the economic-hub of the Eastern Cape Province. But its gang problem has evolved over decades of socio-economic difficulties and struggle for a better life in the predominantly Coloured community. In order for this problem to be overcome a more strategically focused intervention strategy is required by local, provincial, and national authorities. This research study evaluates the gang intervention strategies in the Helenvale area and seeks to provide a primary research base from which key policies and strategies could be developed to address this challenge in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and other affected areas within close proximity of the area of study. At the heart of providing possible solutions to practices of gangsterism amongst mostly the youth, should be a well-coordinated intergovernmental high impact intervention strategy in partnership with NGO’s, civil society and other sectors of the community. Further solutions are the investment by authorities in rehabilitation centres, with skills development and job-creation opportunities as a key exit strategy for those involved in gangs. Acknowledgement that the enhancement and development of mediation skills of community based structures through the sharing of critical conflict theory and mediation practices, could make a substantial contribution to greater peace and stability in our communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Jonas, Branton
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Gang members -- Rehabilitation -- South Africa Social work with youth -- South Africa Juvenile delinquency -- South Africa -- Prevention , Problem youth -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/10890 , vital:26833
- Description: The impact of intervention strategies to reduce gang related violence by Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the community at large has so far not attracted much attention or support from provincial and national authorities. Helenvale and its surrounding areas plays an integral part of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality as the economic-hub of the Eastern Cape Province. But its gang problem has evolved over decades of socio-economic difficulties and struggle for a better life in the predominantly Coloured community. In order for this problem to be overcome a more strategically focused intervention strategy is required by local, provincial, and national authorities. This research study evaluates the gang intervention strategies in the Helenvale area and seeks to provide a primary research base from which key policies and strategies could be developed to address this challenge in an effort to bring about peace and stability in this community and other affected areas within close proximity of the area of study. At the heart of providing possible solutions to practices of gangsterism amongst mostly the youth, should be a well-coordinated intergovernmental high impact intervention strategy in partnership with NGO’s, civil society and other sectors of the community. Further solutions are the investment by authorities in rehabilitation centres, with skills development and job-creation opportunities as a key exit strategy for those involved in gangs. Acknowledgement that the enhancement and development of mediation skills of community based structures through the sharing of critical conflict theory and mediation practices, could make a substantial contribution to greater peace and stability in our communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
The experiences of Botswana Defence Force peacekeepers in United Nations peacekeeping missions: the case of Somalia, 1992-1995
- Authors: Maseko, Francis Bobby
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: United Nations -- Peacekeeping forces -- Somalia , Conflict management -- Somalia , Botswana -- Armed Forces -- Somalia
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4532 , vital:20612
- Description: Peacekeeping operations were started by the United Nations following the collapse of the collective security system which was hinged on the cooperation of the major powers as proposed in the United Nations Charter. The United Nations Charter however does not give a definition of peacekeeping, making it difficult for nation states and various agencies to delineate the limits of Peacekeeping. However, the Charter provides a comprehensive number of platforms in which different kinds of threats pertaining to international peace and security may be dealt with. In the backdrop to this, peacekeeping endeavours have over the years come to be defined as Chapter six and a half, descending between Chapter six and Chapter seven of the United Nations Charter. The Charter reveals that the purpose of the United Nations is to maintain International Peace and Security (United Nations 1985:6). As a member of the International Community and its commitment to Peace and International Security, Botswana is obliged to take part in International interventions aimed at bringing peace, security and stability to Africa and the rest of the world. To this end the government of Botswana is always ready to release and deploy peacekeepers anywhere such calls are made by regional bodies such as the UN, AU or SADC. (Muyakwabo, 2013:2). The intervention of the BDF in the Somali civil war of 1992-1994 is a classic example of Botswana’s commitment to International Peace and Security. In response to the call by UN to assist Somalis, Botswana deployed a battalion sized BDF contingent of Peacekeepers to the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) to help bring peace and security to the nation of Somalia. (Bachelor, Kingman and Lamb 2000:21). This research study is an exploratory investigation into the experiences of the first Botswana Defence Force Peacekeepers who were deployed in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia (UNOSOM) 1993-1995. Seventeen peacekeepers were interviewed who have participated in both UNOSOM I and UNOSOM II. A thematic analysis of the text was undertaken, in which themes emerged to document and highlight the difficulties that the peacekeepers experienced in Somalia. Narratives from the transcribed interviews were reviewed with the participants and logical analysis by the researcher provided further clarification of the data to understand the experiences of the peacekeepers. The peacekeepers’ descriptions of the situations they faced on the ground provided a new way into understanding the intricacies of traditional peacekeeping. Three fundamental themes emerged: the importance of peacekeeping education and training; the importance and need of logistical support, personal and contingent preparation; and the way forward in ensuring successful and effective peacekeeping by African armies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Maseko, Francis Bobby
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: United Nations -- Peacekeeping forces -- Somalia , Conflict management -- Somalia , Botswana -- Armed Forces -- Somalia
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/4532 , vital:20612
- Description: Peacekeeping operations were started by the United Nations following the collapse of the collective security system which was hinged on the cooperation of the major powers as proposed in the United Nations Charter. The United Nations Charter however does not give a definition of peacekeeping, making it difficult for nation states and various agencies to delineate the limits of Peacekeeping. However, the Charter provides a comprehensive number of platforms in which different kinds of threats pertaining to international peace and security may be dealt with. In the backdrop to this, peacekeeping endeavours have over the years come to be defined as Chapter six and a half, descending between Chapter six and Chapter seven of the United Nations Charter. The Charter reveals that the purpose of the United Nations is to maintain International Peace and Security (United Nations 1985:6). As a member of the International Community and its commitment to Peace and International Security, Botswana is obliged to take part in International interventions aimed at bringing peace, security and stability to Africa and the rest of the world. To this end the government of Botswana is always ready to release and deploy peacekeepers anywhere such calls are made by regional bodies such as the UN, AU or SADC. (Muyakwabo, 2013:2). The intervention of the BDF in the Somali civil war of 1992-1994 is a classic example of Botswana’s commitment to International Peace and Security. In response to the call by UN to assist Somalis, Botswana deployed a battalion sized BDF contingent of Peacekeepers to the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) to help bring peace and security to the nation of Somalia. (Bachelor, Kingman and Lamb 2000:21). This research study is an exploratory investigation into the experiences of the first Botswana Defence Force Peacekeepers who were deployed in the United Nations Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia (UNOSOM) 1993-1995. Seventeen peacekeepers were interviewed who have participated in both UNOSOM I and UNOSOM II. A thematic analysis of the text was undertaken, in which themes emerged to document and highlight the difficulties that the peacekeepers experienced in Somalia. Narratives from the transcribed interviews were reviewed with the participants and logical analysis by the researcher provided further clarification of the data to understand the experiences of the peacekeepers. The peacekeepers’ descriptions of the situations they faced on the ground provided a new way into understanding the intricacies of traditional peacekeeping. Three fundamental themes emerged: the importance of peacekeeping education and training; the importance and need of logistical support, personal and contingent preparation; and the way forward in ensuring successful and effective peacekeeping by African armies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
An exploration of the potential for destructive conflict between locals and foreign nationals living in Summerstrand
- Authors: Arkilic, Baris
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Emigration and immigration , Ethnic neighborhoods -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Xenophobia -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8211 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008708 , Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Emigration and immigration , Ethnic neighborhoods -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Xenophobia -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Description: This treatise explores the potential for destructive conflict between locals and foreign nationals in Summerstrand. In the context of this study, foreign nationals have been defined as people who are from other African countries. This specification was made because it is this particular group that has been victim to violent attacks in South Africa. Those attacks have taken place throughout the country, especially in 2008, in areas that are regarded as ‘townships’ in the South African context. This treatise could be regarded as an unusual product, as it does not explore the dynamics of a township; instead, the focus area is a ‘suburb’. The suburb in question is called ‘Summerstrand’ and it is located in Port Elizabeth. Before the research was conducted, it was assumed that due to the differing dynamics of a suburban area, where people would be wealthier and more educated, the potential of a violent conflict taking place between the two groups (locals and foreign nationals) would be lower. In this treatise, firstly, the topic will be explained more in detail together with an overview of the background to the topic. The background will be discussed in further detail as literature relevant to the field of study will be reviewed and presented in Chapters 2 and 3. The ensuing chapters will elaborate upon how the research has been conducted, after which the findings of the study will be presented to the reader. The last chapter of the treatise offers an analysis of the findings of the study, draws conclusions from the study and offers recommendations in light of the findings of the study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Arkilic, Baris
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Emigration and immigration , Ethnic neighborhoods -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Xenophobia -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8211 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008708 , Conflict management -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Emigration and immigration , Ethnic neighborhoods -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth , Xenophobia -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Description: This treatise explores the potential for destructive conflict between locals and foreign nationals in Summerstrand. In the context of this study, foreign nationals have been defined as people who are from other African countries. This specification was made because it is this particular group that has been victim to violent attacks in South Africa. Those attacks have taken place throughout the country, especially in 2008, in areas that are regarded as ‘townships’ in the South African context. This treatise could be regarded as an unusual product, as it does not explore the dynamics of a township; instead, the focus area is a ‘suburb’. The suburb in question is called ‘Summerstrand’ and it is located in Port Elizabeth. Before the research was conducted, it was assumed that due to the differing dynamics of a suburban area, where people would be wealthier and more educated, the potential of a violent conflict taking place between the two groups (locals and foreign nationals) would be lower. In this treatise, firstly, the topic will be explained more in detail together with an overview of the background to the topic. The background will be discussed in further detail as literature relevant to the field of study will be reviewed and presented in Chapters 2 and 3. The ensuing chapters will elaborate upon how the research has been conducted, after which the findings of the study will be presented to the reader. The last chapter of the treatise offers an analysis of the findings of the study, draws conclusions from the study and offers recommendations in light of the findings of the study.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Exploring the management of inter-clan conflict by non-governmental organisations in Wajir Country, Kenya
- Authors: Noor, Mohamed Sheikh
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Kenya -- Wajir District , Clans -- Kenya -- Wajir District , Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya -- Wajir District
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8293 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018701
- Description: The reality today is that we are all interdependent and have to co-exist on this small planet therefore, the only sensible and intelligent way of resolving differences and clashes of interests, whether between individuals or nations, is through dialogue --the Dalai Lama Nomadic pastoralist communities all over the world depend on the keeping livestock for their livelihood, and are characterized by constant migration, in search of pasture and water, or what others may call “search for greener pastures”. Most often as the case such as in Northern Kenya these communities or clans are in conflict with each other mainly over the same scarce resources- water and pasture. This particular treatise explores the role of local NGOs in managing such inter-clan conflict. As aptly put by Lewis (1981: 10-13), when grazing land is abundant, settlement patterns of the pastoral communities may include many non patrilineal kin, or other clans, the true patrilineal kin is honored when pressure arises in the form of diminishing water and pasture, in such instances those who are not one‟s clan become undesirable aliens, thus it is was not a surprise to witness, in the course of conducting the study the many sprouting settlements in Wajir County consisting of entirely agnatic kin, meant to protect “clan‟s” ideals at any costs. Intra-clan and inter-clan conflicts are thus common in the entire Northern Kenya; this study explores the management of inter-clan conflict in Wajir County, North Eastern Province of Kenya. In particular, this research offers an exploration and discussion of the sources of inter-clan conflict, the role of the local NGOs and the perceptions of the local communities, politicians, provincial administration and the local peace committees in the processes of the managing inter-clan conflicts by the local NGOs. With reference to relevant research and literature, as well as the researcher‟s good background understanding on the interventions of the local NGOs in Wajir County, this treatise will provide a series of recommendations to respond to the recurrent inter-clan conflict in the Wajir County, which to some extent could also be applicable to communities with similar settings in Africa and beyond.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Noor, Mohamed Sheikh
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Kenya -- Wajir District , Clans -- Kenya -- Wajir District , Non-governmental organizations -- Kenya -- Wajir District
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:8293 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1018701
- Description: The reality today is that we are all interdependent and have to co-exist on this small planet therefore, the only sensible and intelligent way of resolving differences and clashes of interests, whether between individuals or nations, is through dialogue --the Dalai Lama Nomadic pastoralist communities all over the world depend on the keeping livestock for their livelihood, and are characterized by constant migration, in search of pasture and water, or what others may call “search for greener pastures”. Most often as the case such as in Northern Kenya these communities or clans are in conflict with each other mainly over the same scarce resources- water and pasture. This particular treatise explores the role of local NGOs in managing such inter-clan conflict. As aptly put by Lewis (1981: 10-13), when grazing land is abundant, settlement patterns of the pastoral communities may include many non patrilineal kin, or other clans, the true patrilineal kin is honored when pressure arises in the form of diminishing water and pasture, in such instances those who are not one‟s clan become undesirable aliens, thus it is was not a surprise to witness, in the course of conducting the study the many sprouting settlements in Wajir County consisting of entirely agnatic kin, meant to protect “clan‟s” ideals at any costs. Intra-clan and inter-clan conflicts are thus common in the entire Northern Kenya; this study explores the management of inter-clan conflict in Wajir County, North Eastern Province of Kenya. In particular, this research offers an exploration and discussion of the sources of inter-clan conflict, the role of the local NGOs and the perceptions of the local communities, politicians, provincial administration and the local peace committees in the processes of the managing inter-clan conflicts by the local NGOs. With reference to relevant research and literature, as well as the researcher‟s good background understanding on the interventions of the local NGOs in Wajir County, this treatise will provide a series of recommendations to respond to the recurrent inter-clan conflict in the Wajir County, which to some extent could also be applicable to communities with similar settings in Africa and beyond.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Market triumphalism and the South Afican state: a case study of local government in the Eastern Cape
- Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin
- Authors: Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- East London -- Case studies , Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Case studies , Development economics -- South Africa -- East London , Development economics -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:8267 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014085
- Description: At a glance, this study is a critique of local development policies with specific reference to the Buffalo City and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities in the Eastern Cape. The researcher enters the debate by posing a primary research question: Do the Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) ventures that constitute anti-poverty strategies succeed in addressing the issues of poverty, and achieving more equitable development at the municipal level in the Eastern Cape? This research proposes a problem statement: The local development policies of PPP and BBBEE that are being applied through Local Economic Development strategies are not in the interests of the majority of people living in the Eastern Cape. At a methodological level this research employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches to answer the central question and to verify the problem statement of this study. This triangulation approach is employed to utilize the strengths of both quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, the researcher uses a number of different research instruments to collect the data including four hundred questionnaires, four focus groups and elite interviews in both municipalities. The findings of this study indicate that local development policies in both municipalities do not improve the lives of the people. This line of thinking is indicated by both the empirical study conducted by the researcher and is supported by a number of scholarly materials. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in Political Economy and Development Studies including other disciplines in Social and Economic Sciences. The central argument of this thesis is that both BBBEE and PPPs are inspired by neo-liberalism (BBBEE is not neo-liberal per se though it may be heavily influenced by it) and neo-liberalism in practice is contradictory in nature as it involves the allocation of state resources to politically influential individuals, rather than promoting economic development for the majority. The evidence of this research further shows that the local business and political elites through the BBBEE, PPPs and outsourcing of services are using their strong networks (associated political, social and capital resources) in their efforts for personal accumulation. The researcher in this study examines the local development policies from a particular standpoint which is a political economy approach. The business and political elites according to political economic perspective use state resources to enrich themselves.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Market triumphalism and the South Afican state: a case study of local government in the Eastern Cape
- Authors: Breakfast, Ntsikelelo Benjamin
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Local government -- South Africa -- East London -- Case studies , Local government -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth -- Case studies , Development economics -- South Africa -- East London , Development economics -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , DPhil
- Identifier: vital:8267 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014085
- Description: At a glance, this study is a critique of local development policies with specific reference to the Buffalo City and Nelson Mandela Metropolitan Municipalities in the Eastern Cape. The researcher enters the debate by posing a primary research question: Do the Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) and Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) ventures that constitute anti-poverty strategies succeed in addressing the issues of poverty, and achieving more equitable development at the municipal level in the Eastern Cape? This research proposes a problem statement: The local development policies of PPP and BBBEE that are being applied through Local Economic Development strategies are not in the interests of the majority of people living in the Eastern Cape. At a methodological level this research employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches to answer the central question and to verify the problem statement of this study. This triangulation approach is employed to utilize the strengths of both quantitative and qualitative methods. More specifically, the researcher uses a number of different research instruments to collect the data including four hundred questionnaires, four focus groups and elite interviews in both municipalities. The findings of this study indicate that local development policies in both municipalities do not improve the lives of the people. This line of thinking is indicated by both the empirical study conducted by the researcher and is supported by a number of scholarly materials. This study contributes to the body of knowledge in Political Economy and Development Studies including other disciplines in Social and Economic Sciences. The central argument of this thesis is that both BBBEE and PPPs are inspired by neo-liberalism (BBBEE is not neo-liberal per se though it may be heavily influenced by it) and neo-liberalism in practice is contradictory in nature as it involves the allocation of state resources to politically influential individuals, rather than promoting economic development for the majority. The evidence of this research further shows that the local business and political elites through the BBBEE, PPPs and outsourcing of services are using their strong networks (associated political, social and capital resources) in their efforts for personal accumulation. The researcher in this study examines the local development policies from a particular standpoint which is a political economy approach. The business and political elites according to political economic perspective use state resources to enrich themselves.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013