A biography on inkosi Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli as an African intellectual
- Authors: Mngadi, Samkelo Ntobeko Vukani
- Date: 2022-04-07
- Subjects: Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 , Luthuli, A J (Albert John), 1898-1967 Political and social views , Africans Intellectual life , South Africa History , South Africa Politics and government , African National Congress Biography , Apartheid South Africa , Political activists South Africa Biography , Intellectuals Political activity South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/294493 , vital:57226
- Description: [Excerpt taken from Introduction] The purpose of this study is to take a look at one of these African leaders, inkosi Albert Luthuli through a biographical lens to assess whether he should be recognised as an African intellectual. Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu states that inkosi Luthuli is recognised as the father of South Africa’s non-racialism. He used his moral authority in a historic fashion to influence the liberation movement to adopt non-violent resistance. During his time as President-General, he became the beacon of non-violent resistance. As the president of the liberation organisation, he delivered speeches that steered the African National Congress (ANC) and the liberation movement when the State escalated its oppression against Africans. The State retaliated by deposing him as an elected Chief, imprisoned him, imposed multiple bans on him in attempts to silence him. His intellect proved to be a threat to the State. He spoke out boldly against the apartheid state and advocated for chiefs, African people, African women, sugar farmers, and all oppressed racial groups. Inkosi Luthuli used his speeches to deliver political concepts like non-racialism, multiracialism, African nationalism and democracy into the public space. He cemented ANC’s cooperation policy that created the environment for the existence of the Congress Alliance that produced the Freedom Charter. He spoke out against the oppression of not just South Africans but Africa and all oppressed groups internationally. He illustrated that he possessed geopolitics that would gain the attention of the world. He illustrated his geopolitics through his internationalism philosophy gained the international community’s attention. Inkosi Luthuli was revered and respected by his Groutville community, the African community, South Africans of all racial groups and the international community. His impact can be seen through him being the first African-born Nobel Peace Prize recipient. He pushed for the international community to place economic sanctions and believed that international sanctions were the appropriate non-violent method the global community could get involved in fighting apartheid.5 The purpose of this study will be to explore how a Christian Zulu Chief’s intellectual thinking was able to move South Africa towards a multiracial democracy using non-violent resistance as a strategy to gain Africa and the world’s attention—looking at him from the vantage point of being an African intellectual. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
The Chase: historical and ethnographic observations on ‘Traditional Horse Racing’ in the Eastern Cape, c. 1850 to the present
- Authors: Paterson, Craig John
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Horse racing -- South Africa -- Homelands , Masculinity -- South Africa – Homelands -- History , Migrant labor -- South Africa , Masculinity in sports -- South Africa -- Homelands Group identity -- South Africa – Homelands -- History , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1961-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115328 , vital:34114
- Description: This thesis examines the development of a horse racing sport, umdyarho wamahashe, as it is practised in the former-bantustans of the Eastern Cape Province. Using varied source material – ethnographic, archival and oral – it provides a guide to understanding the historical development of umdyarho events and their meaning to participants. By drawing together available ‘fragments’ of material on horses and horse racing in the former-bantustans of Transkei and Ciskei, it argues that horse racing is derived from a pre-colonial cattle racing tradition which was made impossible by a collision of environmental pressures and colonial responses to them. It goes on to show how horses came to take on a ‘symbol set’ of masculine power and “growing up.” The nexus of horses, rapidly assimilated into daily life, and the changing material conditions confronting the people of the Eastern Cape, made horse racing an ideal outlet through which men might regain a sense of power in conditions which eroded their sense of control over their daily lives, and, as a result, their perceived masculinity. This thesis argues that through horse races, people of the Eastern Cape were provided an space in which they could at once celebrate their legacy (by acting as their ‘forebears’ did) and their potential (by showing who they would like to be, through the deployment of the horse as a symbol). It concludes by discussing and how the imposition of change from outside threatens the ‘spirit’ of this sport.
- Full Text:
The rupture in the Rainbow: an exploration of Joburg Pride’s fragmentation, 1990 to 2013
- Authors: McLean, Nyx Nicolene Cindy
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Gay pride celebrations -- South Africa -- Johannesburg , Sexual minorities -- South Africa , Sexual minorities -- Crimes against -- South Africa , Hate crimes -- South Africa , Group identity -- South Africa -- Johannesburg , Identity politics -- South Africa -- Johannesburg , Racism -- South Africa , One in Nine Campaign
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63822 , vital:28492
- Description: In 2012 Joburg Pride was disrupted by the One in Nine Campaign who asked for a moment of silence to honour the lives of victims of hate crimes1 and violence. This interruption of the parade was met with violence from Joburg Pride organisers, marshals and participants, who explicitly told the campaign’s activists that they “had no right to be at the parade.” The activists were predominantly black lesbians and gender non-conforming people. This response suggested that there was no place within Joburg Pride for honouring and mourning the lives of LGBTIAQ people of colour that had been lost to hate crimes. In addition to the call for one minute of silence, the One in Nine Campaign argued that Joburg Pride had become depoliticised as a result of its increased commercialisation. This study is motivated by a need to understand this rupture that occurred in 2012, and to situate it within the history of the LGBTIAQ movement in South Africa. In particular, it investigates the argument made by the One in Nine Campaign that Joburg Pride had become depoliticised and commercialised. The tensions that were facilitated by the 2012 clash and the subsequent formation of alternative Pride events in 2013 are interesting in light of current conversations circulating in broader South African discourse around what it means to be a South African citizen. The study applies a poststructuralist, anti-racist queer feminist lens informed by queer theory, critical theory, critical race theory, and whiteness studies to the historical and current fractures within Joburg Pride. The study analyses Exit newspaper articles from 1990 to 2013, alongside interviews with key stakeholders involved in the 2012 clash. The analysis, informed by both thematic and discursive approaches, interrogates the following themes: depoliticisation, commercialisation, “community”, assimilation, whiteness, racism, rainbowism and rainbow-washing. In this thesis I argue that the commercial interests and apolitical stance of predominantly white Joburg Pride organisers came to exclude LGBTIAQ people of colour’s experiences, at a time when political organising around hate crimes was most necessary. The analysis further highlights a politics of assimilation rooted in rights-based discourse informed by the Rainbow Nation rhetoric of post-apartheid South Africa. Further, this study problematises the notion of “community”, and discusses its strategic use in assimilationist politics within the LGBTIAQ “community”. This study shows that the rupture in the rainbow that occurred at Joburg Pride 2012 was constituted by multiple ruptures that exist in South African society. The issues explored in this thesis are therefore not only useful for constructing more inclusive spaces for LGBTIAQ people, but also for the nation building project of South Africa.
- Full Text:
A history of the Grahamstown Teachers’ Training College 1894-1975
- Authors: Kelly, Leonard Eric
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Grahamstown Teachers' Training College , Teachers -- Training of -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- History , Universities and colleges -- South Africa -- Makhanda -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/7903 , vital:21322
- Description: In the Cape Colony, and then in South Africa generally, the twentieth century was to see the emergence, growth, and final closure of teacher training colleges. South Africa was one of the few Anglophone countries on the African Continent which, in 2003, did not have a separate and dedicated system of Teacher Education Colleges.1 From the 1920s on, there was a spirited debate over whether primary school teacher training was better achieved in the training college or the university. The publication of the National Education Amendment Act (No 73 of 1969) finally placed all teacher training, primary/elementary and secondary, within University Faculties of Education. The present study investigates the history of the Grahamstown Teacher Training College (GTTC) which was officially recognised in 1894 for the training of young white women. The GTTC was an independent college, founded and owned by an Anglican Religious Community for women, the Community of the Resurrection of Our Lord (CR), but it was also an Aided College of the Cape Education Department. As an Aided College, the GTTC was subject to Government Inspection annually, and the students wrote the official examinations set by the Department of Education. The College was run entirely by women and existed for 81 years. The emphasis in the college was on the practical professional training offered. The focus was on the ‘complete’ education of the student, rather than merely on the content of the curriculum. This study shows that the GTTC more than earned its reputation of being one of the finest training colleges in South Africa and that it was indeed a unique educational development. A feature of particular note was that the college was a trail-blazer, a pioneer in the field of education practices. It was the first college to introduce class music and class singing, the first to employ a physical education teacher, to have a full-time librarian and elocutionist, and it was at the GTTC that the assignment method of study was introduced. All these factors are highlighted in the course of this study.
- Full Text:
A small town in the early apartheid era: A history of Grahamstown 1946-1960 focusing on "White English" perspectives.
- Authors: Lancaster, Rupert Giles Swinburne
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History -- 20th Century , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Social conditions -- 20th Century , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions -- 20th Century , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Social life and customs -- 20th Century , Apartheid -- South Africa , Whites -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2612 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013161
- Description: This Thesis examines the socio-political perceptions of Grahamstown, a small South African City, during the period 1946 to 1960. The ‘White English’ population of Grahamstown is the specific focus, as it formed the dominant social group during the period and consequently provided the majority of information for this work. During this period the majority of Grahamstowns ‘White English’ population thought of their City as holding many attractive features and experiences despite the slum-conditions and poverty that were rife in the Locations. During the British Royal Familie’s tour of the Union of South Africa in 1947, Grahamstown was one of the Cities visited. The loyalty that Grahamstown’s ‘White English’ citizens felt towards the Royal Family and the United Kingdom is explored in connection with the regard that ‘White English’ Grahamstown held for the 1820 Settlers. To highlight the Grahamstown City Council’s activities during this period five events are analysed: The Grahamstown Financial Crisis, The Grahamstown Housing Crisis, The Beer Hall Debate, The establishment of a Tuberculosis Hospital and the granting of Full University Status to Rhodes University College. It is shown, with regard to the politics of the period, that ‘White English’ Grahamstown, unequivocally supported the United Party and were vocally anti-Nationalist. The implementation of Apartheid policies within Grahamstown is explored, with specific focus placed upon the Group Areas Act. Finally the anti-republican sentiment espoused by ‘White English’ Grahamstown is reviewed.
- Full Text:
A study of the first group of Friars Minor (Franciscans) in South Africa, c. 1932-1960
- Authors: Nogemane, Vumile
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Franciscans -- South Africa -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2530 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001859
- Description: In 1932, six Missionary Franciscan Friars from Bavaria came to South Africa at the invitation of Bishop Adalbero Michael Fleischer (1874-1963), a Mariannhill missionary in Natal. His vision was that they would establish a “Franciscan Family” there. Despite this invitation, the Friars were not welcomed by the Mariannhill community and went on to found the Mount Currie Prefecture (Diocese of Kokstad) in 1935. There the Franciscans became involved in the life of the ordinary people, who were otherwise abandoned by the government. Among other activities, they provided schools and gardens, and embarked on skills development projects for the youth. The Holy Cross Sisters - whose arrival in 1926 pre-dated that of the Friars - played a crucial role in these developments. From 1952, their educational work would be supplemented by the medical work of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary Sisters. The arrival of Irish Franciscans (1946) and English Franciscans (1948) brought tensions and differing interpretations of the form that the vision should take. In addition, the Friars were men of their times and products of their particular backgrounds. For example, while some saw their African converts as equals, others were prejudiced against them. However, this thesis – the work of an “insider” to the faith and to the Order, argues that despite tensions and shortcomings, the settlement, and continuing presence, of the Franciscan Friars and Sisters in the Eastern Cape was an eventual realization of Bishop Fleischer’s vision, even though in a slightly different manner from the original ideal. In the early nineteen sixties a new and powerful spirit invaded the Catholic Church. The Second Vatican Council took place from 1962 to 1965. It may be argued that, from that time onward, the Church has never been the same again. In accordance with this call and invitation of the Second Vatican Council for quite some time it has been my earnest desire to get down into a more in-depth study of the history of the Franciscans in South Africa than that provided by the two existing works on this topic. It is my hope that this thesis will contribute to a soul-searching of the Franciscans as they continue to live and minister to the people of South Africa. This history will hopefully teach us to learn from and be inspired by the great and heroic deeds of our spiritual forebears – our Franciscan brothers and sisters – and also teach us to learn from their mistakes.
- Full Text:
GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990
- Authors: Van der Heyden, Ulrich Klaus Helmut
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Germany -- Foreign relations -- Africa , Germany -- Foreign economic relations -- Africa , Africa -- Foreign relations -- Germany , Africa -- Foreign economic relations -- Germany , Africa -- Politics and government -- 1960- , Africa -- History -- 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2531 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860
- Description: This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
- Full Text:
Prohibition & resistance: a socio-political exploration of the changing dynamics of the southern African cannabis trade, c. 1850 - the present
- Authors: Paterson, Craig J
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Cannabis -- Government policy -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 19th century Cannabis -- Government policy -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 20th century Cannabis -- Law and legislation -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 20th century Drugs -- Government policy -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 19th century Drugs -- Government policy -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 20th century Drugs -- Law and legislation -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 19th century Drugs -- Law and legislation -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 20th century Drug traffic -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 19th century Drug traffic -- Africa, Southern -- History -- 20th century Substance abuse -- Social aspects -- Africa, Southern
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2551 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002403
- Description: Looking primarily at the social and political trends in South Africa over the course of the last century and a half, this thesis explores how these trends have contributed to the establishment of the southern Africa cannabis complex. Through an examination of the influence which the colonial paradigm based on Social Darwinian thinking had on the understanding of the cannabis plant in southern Africa, it is argued that cannabis prohibition and apartheid laws rested on the same ideological foundation. This thesis goes on to argue that the dynamics of cannabis production and trade can be understood in terms of the interplay between the two themes of ‘prohibition’ and ‘resistance’. Prohibition is not only understood to refer to cannabis laws, but also to the proscription of inter-racial contact and segregation dictated by the apartheid regime. Resistance, then, refers to both resistance to apartheid and resistance to cannabis laws in this thesis. Including discussions on the hippie movement and development of the world trade, the anti-apartheid movement, the successful implementation of import substitution strategies in Europe and North America from the 1980’s, and South Africa’s incorporation into the global trade, this thesis illustrates how the apartheid system (and its collapse) influenced the region’s cannabis trade.
- Full Text: