Mega-churches and the neo-Pentecostalisation of South Africa’s black middle class
- Authors: Ngoma, Amuzweni Lerato
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Megachurch , Charismatic Movement , Pentecostalism South Africa , Middle class Black people South Africa , Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 , Habitus (Sociology) , Social capital (Sociology)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/432422 , vital:72869 , DOI 10.21504/10962/432422
- Description: This thesis argues that the presence and expansion of South African neo-Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (neo-PCCs) and mega-churches holds significant political economy consequences. Methodologically, the thesis is anchored on digital and in-person ethnography, life history and in-depth interviews. The central argument of this thesis is that neo-PCCs and mega-churches are holding spaces for societal change. The symbolic capital of neo-PCCs and mega-churches and the neo-Pentecostalised habitus, which is co-produced by middle-classes acts as a conduit that facilitates social transitions of political and economic orders. Indeed, religion emerges as a transition mechanism as Durkheim argued for France. It has helped South African social groups to extricate themselves from racist discourses, foster non-racialism and build empowered, somewhat deracialised modern middle-class discourses and tastes. White and Black middle classes have co-produced neo-Pentecostal habiti in the post-apartheid era, that have first, built dispositions for neoliberal capital democracy from apartheid capitalism, second as a middle classing and elite making mechanism and field, third as a stabilising, consolidating and upward strategy of social reproduction. In this way, neo-PCCs and the Black middle class have significantly affected the post-apartheid social formation by producing dispositions that uphold financialised neoliberal capitalism. Significantly, accumulated cultural capital is an indispensable resource in initiating and building post-apartheid institutions. As in the neo-PCC field, it has been pastors, prophets and bishops that have demonstrated the capability to accumulate, transubstantiate and maintain cultural capital that has made their churches comparatively durable social institutions. In a political economy context of state-capture and corruption, a post-GFC-and-COVID-19 milieu characterised by the absence of economic growth, rising unemployment, business closure and ever-increasing interest rates that affect indebted middle-class households and the poor alike, the mega-churches studied herein and their neo-Pentecostalised Black middle class adherents expressed an intense dislike for South African politicians across party lines, and especially the poor performance of the African National Congress-dominated state. So that it is possible that mega-churches and their leaders will outlive many new political parties and independents in the same way that they have outlived post-1994 political parties such as the New National Party, Agang South Africa and the Independent Democrats. Much like the buffer Black middle class that was promoted by the apartheid state as a project of reforming apartheid in the 1970s, whose political activism was pragramatically disengaged, this will likely continue, unless if, generally the post-apartheid Black middle classes shift their sociality from in-ward looking-enclaved social anxiety. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
- Authors: Ngoma, Amuzweni Lerato
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Megachurch , Charismatic Movement , Pentecostalism South Africa , Middle class Black people South Africa , Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 , Habitus (Sociology) , Social capital (Sociology)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/432422 , vital:72869 , DOI 10.21504/10962/432422
- Description: This thesis argues that the presence and expansion of South African neo-Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (neo-PCCs) and mega-churches holds significant political economy consequences. Methodologically, the thesis is anchored on digital and in-person ethnography, life history and in-depth interviews. The central argument of this thesis is that neo-PCCs and mega-churches are holding spaces for societal change. The symbolic capital of neo-PCCs and mega-churches and the neo-Pentecostalised habitus, which is co-produced by middle-classes acts as a conduit that facilitates social transitions of political and economic orders. Indeed, religion emerges as a transition mechanism as Durkheim argued for France. It has helped South African social groups to extricate themselves from racist discourses, foster non-racialism and build empowered, somewhat deracialised modern middle-class discourses and tastes. White and Black middle classes have co-produced neo-Pentecostal habiti in the post-apartheid era, that have first, built dispositions for neoliberal capital democracy from apartheid capitalism, second as a middle classing and elite making mechanism and field, third as a stabilising, consolidating and upward strategy of social reproduction. In this way, neo-PCCs and the Black middle class have significantly affected the post-apartheid social formation by producing dispositions that uphold financialised neoliberal capitalism. Significantly, accumulated cultural capital is an indispensable resource in initiating and building post-apartheid institutions. As in the neo-PCC field, it has been pastors, prophets and bishops that have demonstrated the capability to accumulate, transubstantiate and maintain cultural capital that has made their churches comparatively durable social institutions. In a political economy context of state-capture and corruption, a post-GFC-and-COVID-19 milieu characterised by the absence of economic growth, rising unemployment, business closure and ever-increasing interest rates that affect indebted middle-class households and the poor alike, the mega-churches studied herein and their neo-Pentecostalised Black middle class adherents expressed an intense dislike for South African politicians across party lines, and especially the poor performance of the African National Congress-dominated state. So that it is possible that mega-churches and their leaders will outlive many new political parties and independents in the same way that they have outlived post-1994 political parties such as the New National Party, Agang South Africa and the Independent Democrats. Much like the buffer Black middle class that was promoted by the apartheid state as a project of reforming apartheid in the 1970s, whose political activism was pragramatically disengaged, this will likely continue, unless if, generally the post-apartheid Black middle classes shift their sociality from in-ward looking-enclaved social anxiety. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2023
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023-10-13
Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres
- Authors: Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Kenya African National Union African National Congress Political parties -- South Africa Political parties -- Kenya Democracy -- South Africa Democracy -- Kenya South Africa -- Politics and government Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2876 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431
- Description: Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo
- Date: 2013-08-15
- Subjects: Kenya African National Union African National Congress Political parties -- South Africa Political parties -- Kenya Democracy -- South Africa Democracy -- Kenya South Africa -- Politics and government Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2876 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431
- Description: Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
Politics of asylum : sovereign considerations in the multilateral and humanitarian practices of refugee protection in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Oduba, Victor
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2870 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007725 , Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Description: Most scholars claim that international human rights norms embodied in formal international declarations and treaties have an important impact on domestic political interests and governmental practices. This reasoning about the impact of global human rights is often applied to the post-apartheid South African immigration and refugee policies. While I acknowledge that the ratification of United Nations Conventions on refugees has altered the traditional sovereignty considerations of South Africa towards asylum seekers, I take issue with the claims that South African refugee and asylum policies are primarily motivated and based on humanitarian considerations. Instead, I argue that these policies are based on sovereign considerations and strategic foreign policy interests. As a result this sovereign interests of South Africa to study has sought to demonstrate that largely explain decisions on the part accept or reject refugees. Although norms diffusion, international advocacy networks, and prestige factors have made a big impact, in practice the refugee policy has continued to reflect South Africa's strategic interests and domestic considerations at all levels. However, I have not argued that South Africa should overlook its national and foreign interests and abide by international human rights norms regardless of the cost of doing so. I have only sought to demonstrate that refugee protection is more when powerful national interests find it conducive to manage the destabilizing refugee flows.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
- Authors: Oduba, Victor
- Date: 2003
- Subjects: Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2870 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007725 , Refugees -- Africa , Refugees -- Government policy -- South Africa , Refugees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa , Asylum, Right of -- South Africa
- Description: Most scholars claim that international human rights norms embodied in formal international declarations and treaties have an important impact on domestic political interests and governmental practices. This reasoning about the impact of global human rights is often applied to the post-apartheid South African immigration and refugee policies. While I acknowledge that the ratification of United Nations Conventions on refugees has altered the traditional sovereignty considerations of South Africa towards asylum seekers, I take issue with the claims that South African refugee and asylum policies are primarily motivated and based on humanitarian considerations. Instead, I argue that these policies are based on sovereign considerations and strategic foreign policy interests. As a result this sovereign interests of South Africa to study has sought to demonstrate that largely explain decisions on the part accept or reject refugees. Although norms diffusion, international advocacy networks, and prestige factors have made a big impact, in practice the refugee policy has continued to reflect South Africa's strategic interests and domestic considerations at all levels. However, I have not argued that South Africa should overlook its national and foreign interests and abide by international human rights norms regardless of the cost of doing so. I have only sought to demonstrate that refugee protection is more when powerful national interests find it conducive to manage the destabilizing refugee flows.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2003
Traditional leaders in post-1996 South Africa, with particular reference to the Eastern Cape
- De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Negotiating a comprehensive long-term relationship between South Africa and the European Union: from free trade to trade and development
- Authors: Cross, Peter John
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2768 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978 , Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Description: On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Cross, Peter John
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2768 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002978 , Economic development -- South Africa -- 1994- , European Economic Community , European Economic Community countries -- Foreign economic relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- European Economic Community countries
- Description: On 10 May 1994 the European Union offeredSouth Africa a package of measures to ... send a strong political signal to the incoming govemment and to the South African population, thus proving its firm determination to support the transition towards democracy and its willingness to contribute to the reconstruction and economic development of South Africa after the elections. This package consisted of two parts: 1. A series of short term implementations to take place with immediate effect to help South Africa's development and transition, and 2. An offer to negotiate a comprehensive long-term relationship with South Africa should the new government so request. South Africa accepted the European Union's offer to negotiate a long-term relationship, and in response requested membership of the structure governing the Union's relations with the rest of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and some countries in the Caribbean and Pacific, namely the Lomé Convention. Due to various incompatibilities South Africa was not allowed to join this organisation. In its place the European Union offered to negotiate an agreement with South Africa that would lead to a Free Trade Area. This agreement was in keeping with the rules as laid down by the World Trade Organisation. It envisaged the lowering of tariffs and trade barriers between the Union and South Africa over a period not exceeding 12 years, allowing for asymmetry in terms of time constraints in implementation only. South Africa saw this type of agreement as inconsistent with the desire expressed by the European Union to support the countries development and the integration of the Southern African region. In its place South Africa proposed a new concept in trade agreement, this concept, known as the Trade and Development Agreement, embodied both trade liberalisation and support for development. This agreement would introduce a new paradigm of thought to govern trade between developed countries and developing countries within the World Trade Organisation's rules. This paper explores the events that unfolded in these negotiations. It attempts to discover whether, in the current global environment, it is possible, or beneficial, for the developed world to act in an altruistic manner towards another state in order to assist its development.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
Theories of international cooperation and the GATT/WTO regime: beyond the dichotomy of rational and cognitive approaches
- Authors: Nischalke, Tobias Ingo
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2817 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003027 , General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Description: This thesis aspires to assess the explanatory value of different theories of international cooperation for the case of the world trade regime of GATT/WTO and subsequently strives to reach a satisfactory interpretation of the instance of cooperation. The world trade regime embarked on a process of transformation with the signing of the Marrakech Agreements of 15th April 1994. The event marked the conclusion of the Uruguay Round and, with the establishment of the WTO, the beginning of a new era for the world trade regime. The thesis endeavours to establish the substance of the regime change from GATT to the WTO. It outlines the most significant provisions of the agreement of the Uruguay Round and, subsequently, analyses the change on the level of regime norms underlying the world trade regime. The analysis of regime norms yields insights about the essence of the regime transformation and as to what factors proved to be conducive to cooperation in the sphere of the world trade. The GATT/WTO regime with its extended scope and more sophisticated institutional structures can be regarded as a prime example of successful cooperation. However, the prospects for cooperation between states in an anarchic environment without central authority for enforcement are the subject of a remarkably intense scholarly debate. Therefore it is worthwhile to examine which theoretical framework proves to be most adept at elucidating the circumstances of this instance of cooperation. This thesis applies different theories of international cooperation to the case of the GATT/WTO regime. While a large array of rational theories attempts to explain cooperation from a perspective which focuses on interests and capabilities, a different strand of theories, that of cognitive approaches, emphasizes the paramountcy of ideas and beliefs as variables which explain cooperation. They endogenize the process of interest formation. This thesis seeks to synthesise the strong points of rational and cognitive approaches and thus to reconcile the divergent schools of thought. Its further purpose is to set out factors which are conducive to cooperation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Nischalke, Tobias Ingo
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2817 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003027 , General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Organization) , World Trade Organization , International trade
- Description: This thesis aspires to assess the explanatory value of different theories of international cooperation for the case of the world trade regime of GATT/WTO and subsequently strives to reach a satisfactory interpretation of the instance of cooperation. The world trade regime embarked on a process of transformation with the signing of the Marrakech Agreements of 15th April 1994. The event marked the conclusion of the Uruguay Round and, with the establishment of the WTO, the beginning of a new era for the world trade regime. The thesis endeavours to establish the substance of the regime change from GATT to the WTO. It outlines the most significant provisions of the agreement of the Uruguay Round and, subsequently, analyses the change on the level of regime norms underlying the world trade regime. The analysis of regime norms yields insights about the essence of the regime transformation and as to what factors proved to be conducive to cooperation in the sphere of the world trade. The GATT/WTO regime with its extended scope and more sophisticated institutional structures can be regarded as a prime example of successful cooperation. However, the prospects for cooperation between states in an anarchic environment without central authority for enforcement are the subject of a remarkably intense scholarly debate. Therefore it is worthwhile to examine which theoretical framework proves to be most adept at elucidating the circumstances of this instance of cooperation. This thesis applies different theories of international cooperation to the case of the GATT/WTO regime. While a large array of rational theories attempts to explain cooperation from a perspective which focuses on interests and capabilities, a different strand of theories, that of cognitive approaches, emphasizes the paramountcy of ideas and beliefs as variables which explain cooperation. They endogenize the process of interest formation. This thesis seeks to synthesise the strong points of rational and cognitive approaches and thus to reconcile the divergent schools of thought. Its further purpose is to set out factors which are conducive to cooperation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
The political significance of the liberal media coverage of District Six from 1949 to 1970
- Authors: Marquard, Andrew Keith
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2802 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003012 , Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Description: The political significance of the media coverage of District Six is approached in the following way: the issue is approached theoretically by posing the question of the general political significance of news as a communicative form. This question is resolved by an examination of the complicated relationship between the tradition of political thought and the development of modem political forms, specifically the issue of the importance of communication in modern political forms. This is explored by considering the problem of the political outlined by Heller. Arendt reconceptua1izes the problem in terms of political judgement, which is discussed in relation to postmodernism and Wittgenstein's philosophy of language, to establish a new conceptualization of political judgement based on Arendt's view of narrative and Benjamin's writing on history. This conceptualization is used to formulated a notion of the general political significance of news, which is a form of political judgement related to a specific political culture. On this basis the media material is analysed in terms of two processes: the representation of District Six in the liberal media, and the representation of the political process surrounding its racial zoning and demolition. It is concluded that the media coverage of Distract Six during this period is characterized by a political culture termed the politics of the ordinary based on a reification of 'Europe' as part of a ' colonial attitude', and the idealization of specific urban forms, with a special relationship to urban planning. Thus the political significance of the media coverage resides in the perpetuation of this political culture, representative of the politics of the white English-speaking middle class, in terms of which an authentic urban politics is not conceivable. Additional conclusions are also drawn concerning the relationship between this political culture and the politics of Apartheid.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Marquard, Andrew Keith
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2802 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003012 , Mass media -- Political aspects , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa) , District Six (Cape Town, South Africa), In The Press
- Description: The political significance of the media coverage of District Six is approached in the following way: the issue is approached theoretically by posing the question of the general political significance of news as a communicative form. This question is resolved by an examination of the complicated relationship between the tradition of political thought and the development of modem political forms, specifically the issue of the importance of communication in modern political forms. This is explored by considering the problem of the political outlined by Heller. Arendt reconceptua1izes the problem in terms of political judgement, which is discussed in relation to postmodernism and Wittgenstein's philosophy of language, to establish a new conceptualization of political judgement based on Arendt's view of narrative and Benjamin's writing on history. This conceptualization is used to formulated a notion of the general political significance of news, which is a form of political judgement related to a specific political culture. On this basis the media material is analysed in terms of two processes: the representation of District Six in the liberal media, and the representation of the political process surrounding its racial zoning and demolition. It is concluded that the media coverage of Distract Six during this period is characterized by a political culture termed the politics of the ordinary based on a reification of 'Europe' as part of a ' colonial attitude', and the idealization of specific urban forms, with a special relationship to urban planning. Thus the political significance of the media coverage resides in the perpetuation of this political culture, representative of the politics of the white English-speaking middle class, in terms of which an authentic urban politics is not conceivable. Additional conclusions are also drawn concerning the relationship between this political culture and the politics of Apartheid.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
The reintegration of Walvis Bay and its Penguin/Off-shore Island into Namibia
- Authors: Kodisang, J M
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Penguin Islands , Walvis Bay (Namibia) -- International status , Namibia -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Namibia -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2790 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003000 , Penguin Islands , Walvis Bay (Namibia) -- International status , Namibia -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Namibia -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The thesis focuses upon the final reintegration of Walvis Bay and its twelve Penguin/Off-Shore Islands into Namibia. As Namibia's only deep water port, it escaped reintegration in 1989 when the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 435 (1978) was implemented. Hence the study argues that the exclusion of Walvis Bay from the Settlement Plan falls outside the parameters of various UNSC and UN General Assembly Resolutions, viz 385 and 432 of 1976 respectively. Such an arrangement has to be looked at as Pretoria's non-compliance with the above resolutions. South Africa got away with such an arrangement with the blessing of the Western Contact Group of Nations, i.e the United States; Britain; (former West) Germany; France and Canada. The argument advances further to capture the sudden emergence of Walvis Bay as a dispute between the National Party regime and the African National Congress (ANC) in particular. The dispute came about when the National Party submitted a controversial constitutional proposal during South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park. They were proposing Walvis Bay to constitute part of the new Western Cape province in the postapartheid South Africa. Namibia's diplomacy paid off when the return of Walvis Bay was agreed upon as it became entangled in the constitutional talks for South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park in 1993-1994.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Kodisang, J M
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: Penguin Islands , Walvis Bay (Namibia) -- International status , Namibia -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Namibia -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2790 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003000 , Penguin Islands , Walvis Bay (Namibia) -- International status , Namibia -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Namibia , Namibia -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The thesis focuses upon the final reintegration of Walvis Bay and its twelve Penguin/Off-Shore Islands into Namibia. As Namibia's only deep water port, it escaped reintegration in 1989 when the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 435 (1978) was implemented. Hence the study argues that the exclusion of Walvis Bay from the Settlement Plan falls outside the parameters of various UNSC and UN General Assembly Resolutions, viz 385 and 432 of 1976 respectively. Such an arrangement has to be looked at as Pretoria's non-compliance with the above resolutions. South Africa got away with such an arrangement with the blessing of the Western Contact Group of Nations, i.e the United States; Britain; (former West) Germany; France and Canada. The argument advances further to capture the sudden emergence of Walvis Bay as a dispute between the National Party regime and the African National Congress (ANC) in particular. The dispute came about when the National Party submitted a controversial constitutional proposal during South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park. They were proposing Walvis Bay to constitute part of the new Western Cape province in the postapartheid South Africa. Namibia's diplomacy paid off when the return of Walvis Bay was agreed upon as it became entangled in the constitutional talks for South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park in 1993-1994.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
The external dimension in the transformation of Afrikaner Nationalism
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
"Working in the grave" the development of a health and safety system on the Witwatersrand gold mines, 1900-1939
- Authors: Smith, Matthew John
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Gold mines and mining -- South Africa -- Witwatersrand -- Safety measures -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2557 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002410 , Gold mines and mining -- South Africa -- Witwatersrand -- Safety measures -- History -- 20th century
- Description: This thesis analyses the establishment of a health and safety system on the Witwatersrand gold mines in the period between the end of the South African War and the eve of World War Two. The period has been chosen, firstly, because the South African War had seriously disrupted production and the industry virtually had to start up again from scratch; secondly, because it was during this period that mine and state officials began to seriously investigate the reasons for the appalling mortality and morbidity rates on these mines; and, thirdly, because during this period some improvements did occur which were significant enough to enable the industry to warrant the lifting, in the latter part of the 1930s, of the ban on tropicals, enforced since 1913 as a result of their extremely high mortality rate. In the first thirty years of the twentieth century about 93 000 African miners died disease-related deaths and in the same period some 15000 African miners were killed in work-related deaths. In attempting to establish why so many African miners died, the thesis attempts to identify the diseases and accidents that caused these deaths and considers what attempts were made to bring mortality and morbidity rates down. Whilst the thesis is neither a history of gold mining in South Africa nor an economic history of South Africa in the period 1901 to 1939, it nevertheless, as detailed in the first chapter, places the health and safety system within the context of the wider political and economic forces that shaped the mining industry in this period. The need for a productive and efficient labour force, vital for the industry'S survival during a number of profitability crises in this period, forced the industry to reassess compound structures, nutrition and eventually the health of its work force. These issues of compounds, work and diet are discussed in chapters two, three and four. Appalling living and working conditions led to a high incidence of pulmonary diseases - TB, silicosis and pneumonia - which were the principal killers on the mines. Attempts to cure or prevent their occurrence are discussed in chapter five. Fear of disruptions to production ensured that the mining industry eventually also devoted considerable resources to accident prevention, a theme which is discussed in chapter six. The thesis concludes that the mining industry for much of this period was able to determine the pace of change; neither state officials nor African miners were able to significantly alter the tempo. In fact the industry was so successful that it was able to convince a number of government commissions in the 1940s that the migrant system had to stay, to ensure the wellbeing of the miner. This meant that despite considerable time, money and effort being spent on establishing a health and safety system on the gold mines, the mining industry was still of the opinion that the health of their workers was best served if they were sent home.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
- Authors: Smith, Matthew John
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Gold mines and mining -- South Africa -- Witwatersrand -- Safety measures -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2557 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002410 , Gold mines and mining -- South Africa -- Witwatersrand -- Safety measures -- History -- 20th century
- Description: This thesis analyses the establishment of a health and safety system on the Witwatersrand gold mines in the period between the end of the South African War and the eve of World War Two. The period has been chosen, firstly, because the South African War had seriously disrupted production and the industry virtually had to start up again from scratch; secondly, because it was during this period that mine and state officials began to seriously investigate the reasons for the appalling mortality and morbidity rates on these mines; and, thirdly, because during this period some improvements did occur which were significant enough to enable the industry to warrant the lifting, in the latter part of the 1930s, of the ban on tropicals, enforced since 1913 as a result of their extremely high mortality rate. In the first thirty years of the twentieth century about 93 000 African miners died disease-related deaths and in the same period some 15000 African miners were killed in work-related deaths. In attempting to establish why so many African miners died, the thesis attempts to identify the diseases and accidents that caused these deaths and considers what attempts were made to bring mortality and morbidity rates down. Whilst the thesis is neither a history of gold mining in South Africa nor an economic history of South Africa in the period 1901 to 1939, it nevertheless, as detailed in the first chapter, places the health and safety system within the context of the wider political and economic forces that shaped the mining industry in this period. The need for a productive and efficient labour force, vital for the industry'S survival during a number of profitability crises in this period, forced the industry to reassess compound structures, nutrition and eventually the health of its work force. These issues of compounds, work and diet are discussed in chapters two, three and four. Appalling living and working conditions led to a high incidence of pulmonary diseases - TB, silicosis and pneumonia - which were the principal killers on the mines. Attempts to cure or prevent their occurrence are discussed in chapter five. Fear of disruptions to production ensured that the mining industry eventually also devoted considerable resources to accident prevention, a theme which is discussed in chapter six. The thesis concludes that the mining industry for much of this period was able to determine the pace of change; neither state officials nor African miners were able to significantly alter the tempo. In fact the industry was so successful that it was able to convince a number of government commissions in the 1940s that the migrant system had to stay, to ensure the wellbeing of the miner. This meant that despite considerable time, money and effort being spent on establishing a health and safety system on the gold mines, the mining industry was still of the opinion that the health of their workers was best served if they were sent home.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
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