Protecting and organising the apartheid and post-apartheid precarious municipal workforce: the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association and the South African Municipal Workers Union in Cape Town
- Authors: Mathekga, Jerry Mmanoko
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: African National Congress , COSATU , South African Municipal Workers Union , Apartheid South Africa , Municipal officials and employees South Africa Cape Town , Neoliberalism , Contracting out , Precarious employment
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467072 , vital:76812 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/467072
- Description: The contemporary, global expansion of precarious employment poses key challenges for unions based on workers in full-time, stable employment (i.e. workers in the so-called “Standard Employment Relationship” – SER). South African unions and federations like the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have resolved to organise these workers for decades. Most unions have, however done little to put these intentions into effect, even though precarity threatens union survival. A notable exception amongst unions in both the state and private sectors is COSATU’s South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU). SAMWU has a long history of consistently acting to protect and organise precarious workers. This is the puzzle with which this thesis grapples: why has SAMWU been different? This question is examined through a focus on Cape Town, the city in which the union has the deepest roots: its main, immediate predecessor, the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), was founded in Cape Town in 1918. Answering the question posed above requires examining the record: how has SAMWU – and before it, the CTMWA – protected and organise precarious workers in the municipal sector over time? And further, why did CTMWA and SAMWU act this way, when many others have not? The answers lie in the distinctive character of the organisation’s trade union identity, drawing on Richard Hyman’s work, which moves beyond broad labels (business unionism, political unionism, etc.) and normative prescriptions (what unions should, ideally, do) to develop a nuanced model of what predisposes, and enables, certain union choices, actions, and responses union. The popular power resources approach (PRA) to unions helps map the resources available to unions but cannot explain why unions use power resources in specific ways. The thesis argues that the evolving union identity of the CTMWA and SAMWU predisposed it to organising workers, and that this evolving identity has been shaped by the distinctive features of the Western Cape and its political traditions, a long history of multiple municipal labour markets in Cape Town, and the specificities of that city, including the black African / Coloured division, its independent left traditions, the relative weakness of the COSATU’s allies, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), in local government, and the peculiar dynamics of municipal restructuring. This thesis draws on both labour history and industrial Sociology, arguing that a dialogue between these two disciplines enriches labour studies. This thesis draws on a wide range of primary sources, both historical and contemporary, examines historical processes and change, and engages in a dialogue between historical and sociological work. It argues for the need to historicise precarity, avoiding a “year zero” approach that treats it as a novel challenge for unions, and as reducible to neo-liberalism. It insists that labour responses are shaped by place and time, and so, for the need to balance macro-level discussions of trends with local specificities. It argues that notion of a sharp rupture between the surging new wave of unionism that started in South Africa in 1973, from which COSATU emerged, and the older traditions of registered unionism has been overstated. More attention needs to be paid to the imprint of the more radical registered unions, like CTMWA, on the new unionism. Rejecting pessimistic accounts that see unions as doomed by precarity, it draws attention to long histories of relatively successful and sustained union responses, like those of CTMWA/ SAMWU. However, it questions prescriptive approaches that centre on what unions should do, highlighting how evolving union identity shapes what unions can do. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
- Authors: Mathekga, Jerry Mmanoko
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: African National Congress , COSATU , South African Municipal Workers Union , Apartheid South Africa , Municipal officials and employees South Africa Cape Town , Neoliberalism , Contracting out , Precarious employment
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467072 , vital:76812 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/467072
- Description: The contemporary, global expansion of precarious employment poses key challenges for unions based on workers in full-time, stable employment (i.e. workers in the so-called “Standard Employment Relationship” – SER). South African unions and federations like the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have resolved to organise these workers for decades. Most unions have, however done little to put these intentions into effect, even though precarity threatens union survival. A notable exception amongst unions in both the state and private sectors is COSATU’s South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU). SAMWU has a long history of consistently acting to protect and organise precarious workers. This is the puzzle with which this thesis grapples: why has SAMWU been different? This question is examined through a focus on Cape Town, the city in which the union has the deepest roots: its main, immediate predecessor, the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), was founded in Cape Town in 1918. Answering the question posed above requires examining the record: how has SAMWU – and before it, the CTMWA – protected and organise precarious workers in the municipal sector over time? And further, why did CTMWA and SAMWU act this way, when many others have not? The answers lie in the distinctive character of the organisation’s trade union identity, drawing on Richard Hyman’s work, which moves beyond broad labels (business unionism, political unionism, etc.) and normative prescriptions (what unions should, ideally, do) to develop a nuanced model of what predisposes, and enables, certain union choices, actions, and responses union. The popular power resources approach (PRA) to unions helps map the resources available to unions but cannot explain why unions use power resources in specific ways. The thesis argues that the evolving union identity of the CTMWA and SAMWU predisposed it to organising workers, and that this evolving identity has been shaped by the distinctive features of the Western Cape and its political traditions, a long history of multiple municipal labour markets in Cape Town, and the specificities of that city, including the black African / Coloured division, its independent left traditions, the relative weakness of the COSATU’s allies, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), in local government, and the peculiar dynamics of municipal restructuring. This thesis draws on both labour history and industrial Sociology, arguing that a dialogue between these two disciplines enriches labour studies. This thesis draws on a wide range of primary sources, both historical and contemporary, examines historical processes and change, and engages in a dialogue between historical and sociological work. It argues for the need to historicise precarity, avoiding a “year zero” approach that treats it as a novel challenge for unions, and as reducible to neo-liberalism. It insists that labour responses are shaped by place and time, and so, for the need to balance macro-level discussions of trends with local specificities. It argues that notion of a sharp rupture between the surging new wave of unionism that started in South Africa in 1973, from which COSATU emerged, and the older traditions of registered unionism has been overstated. More attention needs to be paid to the imprint of the more radical registered unions, like CTMWA, on the new unionism. Rejecting pessimistic accounts that see unions as doomed by precarity, it draws attention to long histories of relatively successful and sustained union responses, like those of CTMWA/ SAMWU. However, it questions prescriptive approaches that centre on what unions should do, highlighting how evolving union identity shapes what unions can do. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-10-11
The English East India Company and the British Crown: c. 1795-1803, the first occupation at the Cape of Good Hope
- Authors: Jordan, Calvin
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: East India Company , East India Company -- Influence , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1795-1872 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , British -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century , Merchant marine -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63164 , vital:28369
- Description: My thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the English East India Company (EEIC) and the British colonial administration at the Cape of Good Hope during the first British occupation (1795 to 1803). Studies and literature that concern the EEIC have rarely gone beyond the surface, detailing the presence of the EEIC at the Cape, and neglecting the Company’s involvement in the administration thereof. My thesis draws on prior works but attempts to address both temporal and spatial gaps in this literature on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, and the history of the EEIC. This study takes note of the seaborne related activity around the ports, bays and islands at the Cape – including the regulation of these spaces and issues related to securing British trade and colonial possessions more generally. I question the framing of the Cape primarily as a constituent of a national unit by locating the colony within a broader global and maritime context. A key interest is to determine the degree to which the EEIC influenced and participated in the British governance of the Cape, particularly by exploring the maritime dimensions of the relationship between the EEIC and colonial governance during this particular period. This involves understanding the embeddedness of the Cape in British (Crown and Company) networks and the constitution of a ‘British maritime zone’. This study uses archival sources drawn from the British colonial government records, Company records, and the private diaries and letters of Lady Anne Barnard that relate to the Cape. It is shown that a uniquely configured governance convention was constituted to secure the mutual commercial and imperial interests of both Crown and Company. By keeping the Cape secure, the British sought to keep their greater seaborne Empire secure. This study reveals that the EEIC was significantly involved in and influenced the way the British administration governed the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Jordan, Calvin
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: East India Company , East India Company -- Influence , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1795-1872 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , British -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century , Merchant marine -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63164 , vital:28369
- Description: My thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the English East India Company (EEIC) and the British colonial administration at the Cape of Good Hope during the first British occupation (1795 to 1803). Studies and literature that concern the EEIC have rarely gone beyond the surface, detailing the presence of the EEIC at the Cape, and neglecting the Company’s involvement in the administration thereof. My thesis draws on prior works but attempts to address both temporal and spatial gaps in this literature on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, and the history of the EEIC. This study takes note of the seaborne related activity around the ports, bays and islands at the Cape – including the regulation of these spaces and issues related to securing British trade and colonial possessions more generally. I question the framing of the Cape primarily as a constituent of a national unit by locating the colony within a broader global and maritime context. A key interest is to determine the degree to which the EEIC influenced and participated in the British governance of the Cape, particularly by exploring the maritime dimensions of the relationship between the EEIC and colonial governance during this particular period. This involves understanding the embeddedness of the Cape in British (Crown and Company) networks and the constitution of a ‘British maritime zone’. This study uses archival sources drawn from the British colonial government records, Company records, and the private diaries and letters of Lady Anne Barnard that relate to the Cape. It is shown that a uniquely configured governance convention was constituted to secure the mutual commercial and imperial interests of both Crown and Company. By keeping the Cape secure, the British sought to keep their greater seaborne Empire secure. This study reveals that the EEIC was significantly involved in and influenced the way the British administration governed the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Emancipatory politics and the Mpondo revolts
- Authors: Bruchhausen, Sarah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Pondo Revolt, South Africa, 1960-1963 , South Africa -- History -- 20th century , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5093 , vital:20765
- Description: This thesis aims to offer a revised view of the Mpondo revolts. The central theoretical concept of the thesis is that of emancipatory politics. Drawing predominantly on archival sources the primary concern of the thesis is to expose and interrogate certain aspects of this historical moment of popular politics which can be seen as emancipatory. In particular the notions of egalitarianism and universal human dignity will be analysed in relation to the popular political subjectivities, formations and praxes of the Mpondo revolts. In so doing this thesis attempts to make a meaningful contribution to present day debates concerning alternative theories of human emancipation by showing what emancipatory politics looked like historically and in practise within the context of the Mpondo revolts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
- Authors: Bruchhausen, Sarah
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Pondo Revolt, South Africa, 1960-1963 , South Africa -- History -- 20th century , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/5093 , vital:20765
- Description: This thesis aims to offer a revised view of the Mpondo revolts. The central theoretical concept of the thesis is that of emancipatory politics. Drawing predominantly on archival sources the primary concern of the thesis is to expose and interrogate certain aspects of this historical moment of popular politics which can be seen as emancipatory. In particular the notions of egalitarianism and universal human dignity will be analysed in relation to the popular political subjectivities, formations and praxes of the Mpondo revolts. In so doing this thesis attempts to make a meaningful contribution to present day debates concerning alternative theories of human emancipation by showing what emancipatory politics looked like historically and in practise within the context of the Mpondo revolts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2017
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