Protecting and organising the apartheid and post-apartheid precarious municipal workforce: the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association and the South African Municipal Workers Union in Cape Town
- Authors: Mathekga, Jerry Mmanoko
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: African National Congress , COSATU , South African Municipal Workers Union , Apartheid South Africa , Municipal officials and employees South Africa Cape Town , Neoliberalism , Contracting out , Precarious employment
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467072 , vital:76812 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/467072
- Description: The contemporary, global expansion of precarious employment poses key challenges for unions based on workers in full-time, stable employment (i.e. workers in the so-called “Standard Employment Relationship” – SER). South African unions and federations like the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have resolved to organise these workers for decades. Most unions have, however done little to put these intentions into effect, even though precarity threatens union survival. A notable exception amongst unions in both the state and private sectors is COSATU’s South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU). SAMWU has a long history of consistently acting to protect and organise precarious workers. This is the puzzle with which this thesis grapples: why has SAMWU been different? This question is examined through a focus on Cape Town, the city in which the union has the deepest roots: its main, immediate predecessor, the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), was founded in Cape Town in 1918. Answering the question posed above requires examining the record: how has SAMWU – and before it, the CTMWA – protected and organise precarious workers in the municipal sector over time? And further, why did CTMWA and SAMWU act this way, when many others have not? The answers lie in the distinctive character of the organisation’s trade union identity, drawing on Richard Hyman’s work, which moves beyond broad labels (business unionism, political unionism, etc.) and normative prescriptions (what unions should, ideally, do) to develop a nuanced model of what predisposes, and enables, certain union choices, actions, and responses union. The popular power resources approach (PRA) to unions helps map the resources available to unions but cannot explain why unions use power resources in specific ways. The thesis argues that the evolving union identity of the CTMWA and SAMWU predisposed it to organising workers, and that this evolving identity has been shaped by the distinctive features of the Western Cape and its political traditions, a long history of multiple municipal labour markets in Cape Town, and the specificities of that city, including the black African / Coloured division, its independent left traditions, the relative weakness of the COSATU’s allies, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), in local government, and the peculiar dynamics of municipal restructuring. This thesis draws on both labour history and industrial Sociology, arguing that a dialogue between these two disciplines enriches labour studies. This thesis draws on a wide range of primary sources, both historical and contemporary, examines historical processes and change, and engages in a dialogue between historical and sociological work. It argues for the need to historicise precarity, avoiding a “year zero” approach that treats it as a novel challenge for unions, and as reducible to neo-liberalism. It insists that labour responses are shaped by place and time, and so, for the need to balance macro-level discussions of trends with local specificities. It argues that notion of a sharp rupture between the surging new wave of unionism that started in South Africa in 1973, from which COSATU emerged, and the older traditions of registered unionism has been overstated. More attention needs to be paid to the imprint of the more radical registered unions, like CTMWA, on the new unionism. Rejecting pessimistic accounts that see unions as doomed by precarity, it draws attention to long histories of relatively successful and sustained union responses, like those of CTMWA/ SAMWU. However, it questions prescriptive approaches that centre on what unions should do, highlighting how evolving union identity shapes what unions can do. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2024
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mathekga, Jerry Mmanoko
- Date: 2024-10-11
- Subjects: African National Congress , COSATU , South African Municipal Workers Union , Apartheid South Africa , Municipal officials and employees South Africa Cape Town , Neoliberalism , Contracting out , Precarious employment
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/467072 , vital:76812 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/467072
- Description: The contemporary, global expansion of precarious employment poses key challenges for unions based on workers in full-time, stable employment (i.e. workers in the so-called “Standard Employment Relationship” – SER). South African unions and federations like the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), have resolved to organise these workers for decades. Most unions have, however done little to put these intentions into effect, even though precarity threatens union survival. A notable exception amongst unions in both the state and private sectors is COSATU’s South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU). SAMWU has a long history of consistently acting to protect and organise precarious workers. This is the puzzle with which this thesis grapples: why has SAMWU been different? This question is examined through a focus on Cape Town, the city in which the union has the deepest roots: its main, immediate predecessor, the Cape Town Municipal Workers Association (CTMWA), was founded in Cape Town in 1918. Answering the question posed above requires examining the record: how has SAMWU – and before it, the CTMWA – protected and organise precarious workers in the municipal sector over time? And further, why did CTMWA and SAMWU act this way, when many others have not? The answers lie in the distinctive character of the organisation’s trade union identity, drawing on Richard Hyman’s work, which moves beyond broad labels (business unionism, political unionism, etc.) and normative prescriptions (what unions should, ideally, do) to develop a nuanced model of what predisposes, and enables, certain union choices, actions, and responses union. The popular power resources approach (PRA) to unions helps map the resources available to unions but cannot explain why unions use power resources in specific ways. The thesis argues that the evolving union identity of the CTMWA and SAMWU predisposed it to organising workers, and that this evolving identity has been shaped by the distinctive features of the Western Cape and its political traditions, a long history of multiple municipal labour markets in Cape Town, and the specificities of that city, including the black African / Coloured division, its independent left traditions, the relative weakness of the COSATU’s allies, the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), in local government, and the peculiar dynamics of municipal restructuring. This thesis draws on both labour history and industrial Sociology, arguing that a dialogue between these two disciplines enriches labour studies. This thesis draws on a wide range of primary sources, both historical and contemporary, examines historical processes and change, and engages in a dialogue between historical and sociological work. It argues for the need to historicise precarity, avoiding a “year zero” approach that treats it as a novel challenge for unions, and as reducible to neo-liberalism. It insists that labour responses are shaped by place and time, and so, for the need to balance macro-level discussions of trends with local specificities. It argues that notion of a sharp rupture between the surging new wave of unionism that started in South Africa in 1973, from which COSATU emerged, and the older traditions of registered unionism has been overstated. More attention needs to be paid to the imprint of the more radical registered unions, like CTMWA, on the new unionism. Rejecting pessimistic accounts that see unions as doomed by precarity, it draws attention to long histories of relatively successful and sustained union responses, like those of CTMWA/ SAMWU. However, it questions prescriptive approaches that centre on what unions should do, highlighting how evolving union identity shapes what unions can do. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2024
- Full Text:
Mega-churches and the neo-Pentecostalisation of South Africa’s black middle class
- Authors: Ngoma, Amuzweni Lerato
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Megachurch , Charismatic Movement , Pentecostalism South Africa , Middle class Black people South Africa , Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 , Habitus (Sociology) , Social capital (Sociology)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/432422 , vital:72869 , DOI 10.21504/10962/432422
- Description: This thesis argues that the presence and expansion of South African neo-Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (neo-PCCs) and mega-churches holds significant political economy consequences. Methodologically, the thesis is anchored on digital and in-person ethnography, life history and in-depth interviews. The central argument of this thesis is that neo-PCCs and mega-churches are holding spaces for societal change. The symbolic capital of neo-PCCs and mega-churches and the neo-Pentecostalised habitus, which is co-produced by middle-classes acts as a conduit that facilitates social transitions of political and economic orders. Indeed, religion emerges as a transition mechanism as Durkheim argued for France. It has helped South African social groups to extricate themselves from racist discourses, foster non-racialism and build empowered, somewhat deracialised modern middle-class discourses and tastes. White and Black middle classes have co-produced neo-Pentecostal habiti in the post-apartheid era, that have first, built dispositions for neoliberal capital democracy from apartheid capitalism, second as a middle classing and elite making mechanism and field, third as a stabilising, consolidating and upward strategy of social reproduction. In this way, neo-PCCs and the Black middle class have significantly affected the post-apartheid social formation by producing dispositions that uphold financialised neoliberal capitalism. Significantly, accumulated cultural capital is an indispensable resource in initiating and building post-apartheid institutions. As in the neo-PCC field, it has been pastors, prophets and bishops that have demonstrated the capability to accumulate, transubstantiate and maintain cultural capital that has made their churches comparatively durable social institutions. In a political economy context of state-capture and corruption, a post-GFC-and-COVID-19 milieu characterised by the absence of economic growth, rising unemployment, business closure and ever-increasing interest rates that affect indebted middle-class households and the poor alike, the mega-churches studied herein and their neo-Pentecostalised Black middle class adherents expressed an intense dislike for South African politicians across party lines, and especially the poor performance of the African National Congress-dominated state. So that it is possible that mega-churches and their leaders will outlive many new political parties and independents in the same way that they have outlived post-1994 political parties such as the New National Party, Agang South Africa and the Independent Democrats. Much like the buffer Black middle class that was promoted by the apartheid state as a project of reforming apartheid in the 1970s, whose political activism was pragramatically disengaged, this will likely continue, unless if, generally the post-apartheid Black middle classes shift their sociality from in-ward looking-enclaved social anxiety. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2023
- Full Text:
- Authors: Ngoma, Amuzweni Lerato
- Date: 2023-10-13
- Subjects: Megachurch , Charismatic Movement , Pentecostalism South Africa , Middle class Black people South Africa , Bourdieu, Pierre, 1930-2002 , Habitus (Sociology) , Social capital (Sociology)
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/432422 , vital:72869 , DOI 10.21504/10962/432422
- Description: This thesis argues that the presence and expansion of South African neo-Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (neo-PCCs) and mega-churches holds significant political economy consequences. Methodologically, the thesis is anchored on digital and in-person ethnography, life history and in-depth interviews. The central argument of this thesis is that neo-PCCs and mega-churches are holding spaces for societal change. The symbolic capital of neo-PCCs and mega-churches and the neo-Pentecostalised habitus, which is co-produced by middle-classes acts as a conduit that facilitates social transitions of political and economic orders. Indeed, religion emerges as a transition mechanism as Durkheim argued for France. It has helped South African social groups to extricate themselves from racist discourses, foster non-racialism and build empowered, somewhat deracialised modern middle-class discourses and tastes. White and Black middle classes have co-produced neo-Pentecostal habiti in the post-apartheid era, that have first, built dispositions for neoliberal capital democracy from apartheid capitalism, second as a middle classing and elite making mechanism and field, third as a stabilising, consolidating and upward strategy of social reproduction. In this way, neo-PCCs and the Black middle class have significantly affected the post-apartheid social formation by producing dispositions that uphold financialised neoliberal capitalism. Significantly, accumulated cultural capital is an indispensable resource in initiating and building post-apartheid institutions. As in the neo-PCC field, it has been pastors, prophets and bishops that have demonstrated the capability to accumulate, transubstantiate and maintain cultural capital that has made their churches comparatively durable social institutions. In a political economy context of state-capture and corruption, a post-GFC-and-COVID-19 milieu characterised by the absence of economic growth, rising unemployment, business closure and ever-increasing interest rates that affect indebted middle-class households and the poor alike, the mega-churches studied herein and their neo-Pentecostalised Black middle class adherents expressed an intense dislike for South African politicians across party lines, and especially the poor performance of the African National Congress-dominated state. So that it is possible that mega-churches and their leaders will outlive many new political parties and independents in the same way that they have outlived post-1994 political parties such as the New National Party, Agang South Africa and the Independent Democrats. Much like the buffer Black middle class that was promoted by the apartheid state as a project of reforming apartheid in the 1970s, whose political activism was pragramatically disengaged, this will likely continue, unless if, generally the post-apartheid Black middle classes shift their sociality from in-ward looking-enclaved social anxiety. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2023
- Full Text:
The 2019 SASBO Bank Workers’ Strike in South Africa: unpacking labour responses to the Fourth Industrial Revolution
- Authors: Moyo, Wisdom Ntandoyenkosi
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Industry 4.0 , Fourth Industrial Revolution , Banks and banking South Africa , SASBO , Labor unions South Africa , Strikes and lockouts Bank employees South Africa , Working class South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406774 , vital:70306
- Description: The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) is a global phenomenon, affecting workers and trade unions worldwide with the increased automation, including digitisation, of work. Although the 4IR has often been presented as an impersonal technological force that society must just accept, it is in fact rooted in the evolution of capitalist society: it is the latest in a series of industrial revolutions and restructurings of the labour process. These are systemic occurrences, based in class struggles around the extension of management control of every part of work, and replacing workers with machinery; it must then be seen in the context of a history of Taylorism, Fordism and neo-Fordism, and their local expressions, such as racial Fordism in South Africa. The roll-out and the socio-economic effects of the 4IR are therefore shaped by inequality and power, and look to be dire for the working-class in a South Africa that already has record unemployment rates. In the local banking sector, the 4IR has been associated with a wave of retrenchments and branch closures. Faced with this situation, the South African Society of Bank Officials (SASBO), the biggest and oldest union in the finance sector, then with around 73 000 members, tried to hold a mass strike in late 2019. Blocked by the Labour Court, this would have been the union’s biggest strike in a century. It followed from a longer campaign by SASBO to halt job losses, ensure redeployment and reskilling for affected bank workers, and win an agreement for these aims with the banks. The union undertook research on the 4IR and sought to win support from banks, as well as government departments and other unions, for an alternative, worker-friendly roll-out of the 4IR. The decision to strike took place after extensive engagements with banks and stakeholders like government failed, the banks proceeding with retrenchments: the union faced an unprecedented challenge and was on the defensive. This dissertation maps SASBO’s campaign around the 4IR, using the Power Resources Approach (PRA), and assesses its approach. It also tries to show how an analysis of a moderate, older white-collar union like SASBO enriches South African labour studies. A qualitative methodology was used in this research to understand the issue at hand, using documents and semi-structured interviews with SASBO National Executive Committee members. The key findings are that the 4IR will not spare white-collar jobs and presents an unprecedented challenge to unions. There is an urgent need for union revitalisation, including new ways to organise effective responses to technological change. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2022
- Full Text:
- Authors: Moyo, Wisdom Ntandoyenkosi
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Industry 4.0 , Fourth Industrial Revolution , Banks and banking South Africa , SASBO , Labor unions South Africa , Strikes and lockouts Bank employees South Africa , Working class South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406774 , vital:70306
- Description: The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) is a global phenomenon, affecting workers and trade unions worldwide with the increased automation, including digitisation, of work. Although the 4IR has often been presented as an impersonal technological force that society must just accept, it is in fact rooted in the evolution of capitalist society: it is the latest in a series of industrial revolutions and restructurings of the labour process. These are systemic occurrences, based in class struggles around the extension of management control of every part of work, and replacing workers with machinery; it must then be seen in the context of a history of Taylorism, Fordism and neo-Fordism, and their local expressions, such as racial Fordism in South Africa. The roll-out and the socio-economic effects of the 4IR are therefore shaped by inequality and power, and look to be dire for the working-class in a South Africa that already has record unemployment rates. In the local banking sector, the 4IR has been associated with a wave of retrenchments and branch closures. Faced with this situation, the South African Society of Bank Officials (SASBO), the biggest and oldest union in the finance sector, then with around 73 000 members, tried to hold a mass strike in late 2019. Blocked by the Labour Court, this would have been the union’s biggest strike in a century. It followed from a longer campaign by SASBO to halt job losses, ensure redeployment and reskilling for affected bank workers, and win an agreement for these aims with the banks. The union undertook research on the 4IR and sought to win support from banks, as well as government departments and other unions, for an alternative, worker-friendly roll-out of the 4IR. The decision to strike took place after extensive engagements with banks and stakeholders like government failed, the banks proceeding with retrenchments: the union faced an unprecedented challenge and was on the defensive. This dissertation maps SASBO’s campaign around the 4IR, using the Power Resources Approach (PRA), and assesses its approach. It also tries to show how an analysis of a moderate, older white-collar union like SASBO enriches South African labour studies. A qualitative methodology was used in this research to understand the issue at hand, using documents and semi-structured interviews with SASBO National Executive Committee members. The key findings are that the 4IR will not spare white-collar jobs and presents an unprecedented challenge to unions. There is an urgent need for union revitalisation, including new ways to organise effective responses to technological change. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2022
- Full Text:
Competing policy imperatives in Post-Apartheid South Africa: An analysis of the effects and larger significance of ESKOM restructuring on the South African automotive industry, 2005-2014
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Eskom (Firm) , South Africa Colonial influence , Electric power Conservation South Africa , Electric utilities Government ownership South Africa , Electric utilities Privatization South Africa , Import substitution South Africa , Government business enterprises South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192911 , vital:45278 , 10.21504/10962/192911
- Description: The state has played an indispensable, major role in the industrialisation of South Africa, and its transformation from an economy of agriculture and mining to one based on manufacturing and services by the 1970s. Large state-owned corporations in communications and transportation, finance, industry and power have been key to this process, which also involved an extensive (and racist form of) import substitution industrialisation (ISI) from the 1920s. The 1970s saw a shift towards neoliberal policies, first under the National-Party-led apartheid government and then under the African-National-Congress-led democratic government formed in 1994. Since the 1980s, this restructuring has profoundly affected state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the monopoly electricity utility ESKOM, and manufacturing industries, such as the automotive sector. This thesis examines the evolution of and interaction between different areas of neoliberal policy, and their evolution over time through a consideration of the relationship between the restructuring of SOEs and manufacturing, with a focus on ESKOM and autotomotives respectively. Relying on interviews with senior officials, policymakers, union leaders and industrialists, as well as primary documents, the study examines the responses of OEMs in South Africa (BMW, Ford, General Motors, Mercedes Benz/Daimler, Nissan, Toyota and Volkswagen) to ESKOM’s actions, and analyses the root of these actions. It argues that while restructuring has been framed by a common framework, policy development and implementation is not coordinated or cohesive. ESKOM, for example, gutted investment in electricity and maintenance generation capacity to become profitable and create space for Independent Power Providers (IPPs) – neoliberal measures for which it was rewarded and lauded. This took place at a time when national policy emphasised the need to grow manufacturing and attract direct investment by creating an investor-friendly climate resting on infrastructure. It also took place when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) rolled out highly successful plans – also praised and rewarded – to help adjust automotives to open markets; the sector grew much larger than under ISI, while other sectors like textiles collapsed. ESKOM’s measures, however, led to a rapid decline in the capacity and stability of the power system, and directly contradicted the drive to expand and globalise manufacturing, in which automotives was now the leading edge. Corruption in the utility worsened, much of it through subcontracting measures rooted in neoliberal reforms, but this did not cause the basic problems. It is argued that this situation of competing policy imperatives reflects deeper, long-term problems in the South African state, including contradictory policies, uneven capacity and a lack of coordination. For example, there was no coordination between the DTI and stakeholder departments that regulate ESKOM, being the shareholder ministry, the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) and its policy ministry, and the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE). These types of problems did not start postapartheid, and post-1994 reforms have not adequately addressed them. What exists is not a “developmental” state, as policymakers hope, but a fractured state of an intermediate type that combines “developmental” and “predatory” features in a oneparty dominant system in which lines between ruling party and state blur, and state resources are leveraged for elite class formation. Such was the case under apartheid skippered by the NP, with Afrikanerisation, and it continues today post-apartheid under the ANC with BEE. Major reforms are needed, but not just in SOE governance or budgets, as many have suggested. If we are to take the nation forward, the basic design of the state must be reformed. The state needs professionalised, coherent policy-making and implementation, proper coordination of state entities and hard decisions. It should manage high levels of public infrastructure, guarantee political stability and credit ratings, and provide policy certainty and predictability. Without big reforms it will remain a chronic underperformer. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Authors: Sibuyi, Lucas Nkosana
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Eskom (Firm) , South Africa Colonial influence , Electric power Conservation South Africa , Electric utilities Government ownership South Africa , Electric utilities Privatization South Africa , Import substitution South Africa , Government business enterprises South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192911 , vital:45278 , 10.21504/10962/192911
- Description: The state has played an indispensable, major role in the industrialisation of South Africa, and its transformation from an economy of agriculture and mining to one based on manufacturing and services by the 1970s. Large state-owned corporations in communications and transportation, finance, industry and power have been key to this process, which also involved an extensive (and racist form of) import substitution industrialisation (ISI) from the 1920s. The 1970s saw a shift towards neoliberal policies, first under the National-Party-led apartheid government and then under the African-National-Congress-led democratic government formed in 1994. Since the 1980s, this restructuring has profoundly affected state-owned enterprises (SOEs), including the monopoly electricity utility ESKOM, and manufacturing industries, such as the automotive sector. This thesis examines the evolution of and interaction between different areas of neoliberal policy, and their evolution over time through a consideration of the relationship between the restructuring of SOEs and manufacturing, with a focus on ESKOM and autotomotives respectively. Relying on interviews with senior officials, policymakers, union leaders and industrialists, as well as primary documents, the study examines the responses of OEMs in South Africa (BMW, Ford, General Motors, Mercedes Benz/Daimler, Nissan, Toyota and Volkswagen) to ESKOM’s actions, and analyses the root of these actions. It argues that while restructuring has been framed by a common framework, policy development and implementation is not coordinated or cohesive. ESKOM, for example, gutted investment in electricity and maintenance generation capacity to become profitable and create space for Independent Power Providers (IPPs) – neoliberal measures for which it was rewarded and lauded. This took place at a time when national policy emphasised the need to grow manufacturing and attract direct investment by creating an investor-friendly climate resting on infrastructure. It also took place when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) rolled out highly successful plans – also praised and rewarded – to help adjust automotives to open markets; the sector grew much larger than under ISI, while other sectors like textiles collapsed. ESKOM’s measures, however, led to a rapid decline in the capacity and stability of the power system, and directly contradicted the drive to expand and globalise manufacturing, in which automotives was now the leading edge. Corruption in the utility worsened, much of it through subcontracting measures rooted in neoliberal reforms, but this did not cause the basic problems. It is argued that this situation of competing policy imperatives reflects deeper, long-term problems in the South African state, including contradictory policies, uneven capacity and a lack of coordination. For example, there was no coordination between the DTI and stakeholder departments that regulate ESKOM, being the shareholder ministry, the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) and its policy ministry, and the Department of Mineral Resources and Energy (DMRE). These types of problems did not start postapartheid, and post-1994 reforms have not adequately addressed them. What exists is not a “developmental” state, as policymakers hope, but a fractured state of an intermediate type that combines “developmental” and “predatory” features in a oneparty dominant system in which lines between ruling party and state blur, and state resources are leveraged for elite class formation. Such was the case under apartheid skippered by the NP, with Afrikanerisation, and it continues today post-apartheid under the ANC with BEE. Major reforms are needed, but not just in SOE governance or budgets, as many have suggested. If we are to take the nation forward, the basic design of the state must be reformed. The state needs professionalised, coherent policy-making and implementation, proper coordination of state entities and hard decisions. It should manage high levels of public infrastructure, guarantee political stability and credit ratings, and provide policy certainty and predictability. Without big reforms it will remain a chronic underperformer. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
Careerism and capitalism as women’s emancipation: a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s ‘Athena Programme', South Africa
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
Views from the inside: An appraisal of the effectiveness of international NGOs as agents of development through a case study of Concern Universal’s Local Development Support Programme in Dedza District, Malawi
- Authors: Mussa, Khadija Sungeni
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1499 , vital:20063
- Description: Malawi, which became independent in 1964, attracted Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) from the early 1980s. Initially, NGO involvement was a response to the influx of refugees from neighbouring war-torn Mozambique. Since then, NGOs have been active in the development sector. Malawi, a small country, has widespread poverty, and has recently been in international headlines as a victim of floods, drought and food shortages. Economically unstable, with environmental problems, Malawi is in need of development assistance. NGOs have been centrally positioned in such efforts, but the academic literature on their role has been limited. NGO interventions in development efforts, generally, have been subject to controversy. While some argue that NGOs provide an essential means of development, especially where state capacity is limited, others argue that, with most NGOs headquartered or funded from abroad, their strategies and practices are often more accountable to external pressures than local needs. This thesis intervenes in these debates with a case study: with the aim of examining the sustainability, appropriateness, accountability and effectiveness of NGO projects, it looks at a project by the international NGO (INGO), Concern Universal (CU), which works in the central region in Dedza, Malawi. It examines the project, using fieldwork in three villages, looking at issues such as its use of participatory methods, relations with local government and village structures, capacity building methods, and donor relations. The thesis argues that (I)NGOs like CU exist in a conflicted situation: they have to remain in the good books of their donors, while, at the same time, maintaining accountability to their beneficiaries; they depend on their ability to manoeuvre through the conflict in order to ensure their continuity, and so, their impact is shaped by competing imperatives. CU has made a real impact on poverty alleviation efforts, but its methods and approaches are shaped by said competing imperatives.
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- Authors: Mussa, Khadija Sungeni
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1499 , vital:20063
- Description: Malawi, which became independent in 1964, attracted Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) from the early 1980s. Initially, NGO involvement was a response to the influx of refugees from neighbouring war-torn Mozambique. Since then, NGOs have been active in the development sector. Malawi, a small country, has widespread poverty, and has recently been in international headlines as a victim of floods, drought and food shortages. Economically unstable, with environmental problems, Malawi is in need of development assistance. NGOs have been centrally positioned in such efforts, but the academic literature on their role has been limited. NGO interventions in development efforts, generally, have been subject to controversy. While some argue that NGOs provide an essential means of development, especially where state capacity is limited, others argue that, with most NGOs headquartered or funded from abroad, their strategies and practices are often more accountable to external pressures than local needs. This thesis intervenes in these debates with a case study: with the aim of examining the sustainability, appropriateness, accountability and effectiveness of NGO projects, it looks at a project by the international NGO (INGO), Concern Universal (CU), which works in the central region in Dedza, Malawi. It examines the project, using fieldwork in three villages, looking at issues such as its use of participatory methods, relations with local government and village structures, capacity building methods, and donor relations. The thesis argues that (I)NGOs like CU exist in a conflicted situation: they have to remain in the good books of their donors, while, at the same time, maintaining accountability to their beneficiaries; they depend on their ability to manoeuvre through the conflict in order to ensure their continuity, and so, their impact is shaped by competing imperatives. CU has made a real impact on poverty alleviation efforts, but its methods and approaches are shaped by said competing imperatives.
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Challenges of post-apartheid state-owned company pension fund reform: a case study of the controversy around the Transnet-Transport Pension Fund
- Authors: Goqoza, Noluyolo Juliet
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/54766 , vital:26610
- Description: This thesis examines the restructuring of the pension funds of Transnet, a South African state-owned company involved in transportation, from the 1990s. Two of its main pension funds, the Transport-Transnet Pension sub-Fund (TTPF) and the Transnet Second Defined Benefit Fund (TSDBF), have been surrounded by controversy, with major court actions brought by aggrieved pensioners in 2006-2012 and again from 2013, and smaller cases in 1997-1999 and 2004. (There were also a number of smaller cases, mostly unsuccessful, but the thesis will not examine them). The case that started in 2013 is the biggest class action in the country‟s history, and makes claims of serious mismanagement and bad faith against the Transnet management. But the fundamental grievance is that (according to the 2013 legal case) “more than 80% of pensioners earn less than R4 000.00 a month… 62 % earn less than R2 500.00… 45% of the pensioners earn less than the state‟s ordinary old-age pension” grant for the poor. Although that case is ongoing, this thesis examines the background and controversies that frame the case. It provides an overview of the history and development of the South African pensions system and South African state-owned companies; it examines how these have been shaped by the apartheid and post-apartheid periods, and by the rise of neo-liberalism; it examines the evolution of Transnet and its pensions systems, from the early days of the South African Railways and Harbours Administration (SAR&H, formed 1910), to its restructuring into the South African Transport Services (SATS) in 1982, and then into Transnet in 1990. The thesis shows that the operations of the TTPF and TSDBF, which are closed to new members, have had serious effects on pensioners that rely upon them. Pensions are very low (the main reason for the various court cases), and this is for a range of reasons. Annual increases in pensions are formally set at below-inflation levels, leading to falling real incomes. More pressure on pensioners‟ livelihoods has arisen from Transnet‟s cuts to other benefits, like the medical aid Transmed, provided to pensioners. While the schemes are solvent, the pensions generally started at a low base, partly because most pensioners were relatively poorly paid workers before retirement (and the pensions were linked to former salaries). There is also a racial dimension: while most white workers at SAR&H/ SATS and Transnet were poorly paid, black, Coloured and Indian workers were paid even worse, and, further, were only brought into the pension schemes late. Both TTPF and TSDBF are defined benefit funds, which means members are guaranteed specific benefits at retirement, with the employer obligated to inject funds to meet shortfalls where needed. Yet neither the state nor Transnet has been willing to take actions to lift the basic pensions, such as investments into the funds, or to make systematic ex gratia payments to bring the pensions to a reasonable level, to remove historic racial inequalities between pensioners, to increase medical aid co-payments or coverage or to otherwise address the pensioners‟ situation. It does not seem that the reason for the problems is that the two funds have been severely mismanaged or asset-stripped, as alleged in the 2013 class action: it must be noted that both funds report surpluses. But the surpluses are possible because the pensions are low and falling in real terms, and the numbers of pensioners declining due to deaths. It seems clear that Transnet is unable or unwilling to act to decisively improve the situation of the pensioners: ensuring a surplus on existing pension funds is a major goal. This is partly because Transnet itself has ongoing financial problems, and partly because it operates in the context of neo-liberal restructuring, like corporatisation, commercialisation and privatisation, which places limits on the additional funding of the funds. At the same time, the pensioners have very little real, as opposed to a nominal, say in the administration of the pension schemes, limiting their ability to affect the rules and administration or raise issues. The thesis seeks to use historical institutionalism, which sees policies and major institutions, including state-owned companies, as shaped by power and conflict, especially between classes. This is used to try and explain changing state policies and the changing role and actions of state-owned companies, as a way of understanding Transnet‟s actions, as well as its treatment of its pensioners.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Goqoza, Noluyolo Juliet
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/54766 , vital:26610
- Description: This thesis examines the restructuring of the pension funds of Transnet, a South African state-owned company involved in transportation, from the 1990s. Two of its main pension funds, the Transport-Transnet Pension sub-Fund (TTPF) and the Transnet Second Defined Benefit Fund (TSDBF), have been surrounded by controversy, with major court actions brought by aggrieved pensioners in 2006-2012 and again from 2013, and smaller cases in 1997-1999 and 2004. (There were also a number of smaller cases, mostly unsuccessful, but the thesis will not examine them). The case that started in 2013 is the biggest class action in the country‟s history, and makes claims of serious mismanagement and bad faith against the Transnet management. But the fundamental grievance is that (according to the 2013 legal case) “more than 80% of pensioners earn less than R4 000.00 a month… 62 % earn less than R2 500.00… 45% of the pensioners earn less than the state‟s ordinary old-age pension” grant for the poor. Although that case is ongoing, this thesis examines the background and controversies that frame the case. It provides an overview of the history and development of the South African pensions system and South African state-owned companies; it examines how these have been shaped by the apartheid and post-apartheid periods, and by the rise of neo-liberalism; it examines the evolution of Transnet and its pensions systems, from the early days of the South African Railways and Harbours Administration (SAR&H, formed 1910), to its restructuring into the South African Transport Services (SATS) in 1982, and then into Transnet in 1990. The thesis shows that the operations of the TTPF and TSDBF, which are closed to new members, have had serious effects on pensioners that rely upon them. Pensions are very low (the main reason for the various court cases), and this is for a range of reasons. Annual increases in pensions are formally set at below-inflation levels, leading to falling real incomes. More pressure on pensioners‟ livelihoods has arisen from Transnet‟s cuts to other benefits, like the medical aid Transmed, provided to pensioners. While the schemes are solvent, the pensions generally started at a low base, partly because most pensioners were relatively poorly paid workers before retirement (and the pensions were linked to former salaries). There is also a racial dimension: while most white workers at SAR&H/ SATS and Transnet were poorly paid, black, Coloured and Indian workers were paid even worse, and, further, were only brought into the pension schemes late. Both TTPF and TSDBF are defined benefit funds, which means members are guaranteed specific benefits at retirement, with the employer obligated to inject funds to meet shortfalls where needed. Yet neither the state nor Transnet has been willing to take actions to lift the basic pensions, such as investments into the funds, or to make systematic ex gratia payments to bring the pensions to a reasonable level, to remove historic racial inequalities between pensioners, to increase medical aid co-payments or coverage or to otherwise address the pensioners‟ situation. It does not seem that the reason for the problems is that the two funds have been severely mismanaged or asset-stripped, as alleged in the 2013 class action: it must be noted that both funds report surpluses. But the surpluses are possible because the pensions are low and falling in real terms, and the numbers of pensioners declining due to deaths. It seems clear that Transnet is unable or unwilling to act to decisively improve the situation of the pensioners: ensuring a surplus on existing pension funds is a major goal. This is partly because Transnet itself has ongoing financial problems, and partly because it operates in the context of neo-liberal restructuring, like corporatisation, commercialisation and privatisation, which places limits on the additional funding of the funds. At the same time, the pensioners have very little real, as opposed to a nominal, say in the administration of the pension schemes, limiting their ability to affect the rules and administration or raise issues. The thesis seeks to use historical institutionalism, which sees policies and major institutions, including state-owned companies, as shaped by power and conflict, especially between classes. This is used to try and explain changing state policies and the changing role and actions of state-owned companies, as a way of understanding Transnet‟s actions, as well as its treatment of its pensioners.
- Full Text:
Evaluating support service co-operation in the Netcare-Settlers public private partnership, Grahamstown, South Africa
- Authors: Mahote, Tulisa
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Settlers Hospital , Netcare 911 , Public-private sector cooperation -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Privatization -- South Africa , Medical care -- Privatization -- South Africa , Health services accessibility -- South Africa , Contracting out -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3408 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020834
- Description: The neo-liberal restructuring of state assets and facilities, which has taken place internationally over the past three decades, as well as in South Africa, has been a matter of great controversy. Privatisation, in particular, has been a polarising issue, especially when applied to fields like healthcare. Supporters of privatisation view it as cutting costs, mobilising funding, expertise and innovation, resulting in improved delivery, and opening possibilities for a spread of ownership. Critics claim the process involves retrenchments, declining services for the (poorer) majority of people, and a focus on the elites as citizens become transformed into customers, and with any economic empowerment going to the already prosperous. This thesis examines these issues by looking at the privatisation of hospitals in South Africa, with a case study of the Netcare-Settlers Public Private Partnership (PPP) (also known as the Settlers Private Hospital) in Grahamstown, South Africa. Netcare is South Africa’s largest private hospital company, and also has substantial operations in the United Kingdom. The thesis sets out the context: a highly inequitable healthcare system in the country, the rise of privatisation in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras, and healthcare privatisation. In terms of the Netcare-Settlers PPP, the thesis examines how the PPP was structured and developed, focusing on the impact of the PPP on non-clinical operations. The thesis argues that the results of the PPP are mixed, that it has greatly improved areas like facilities, maintenance, cleaning and catering, performed less well in increasing the doctor/ patient ratio or in attracting specialists, and is associated with the widespread and problematic use of outsourcing of service workers like cleaners and security. Overall, the PPP has improved healthcare, with some effective sharing of resources between the public and private parts of the hospital, but also relies on a pool of relatively low waged, under-unionised, labour. In terms of the general debate over privatisation, the Netcare-Settlers PPP shows that both supporters and critics have some valid points, and that privatisation in practice is not an either/ or, black/ white, good/ bad proposition, but something more complex. The success and failure of PPPs depend on the details of the contracts, and these can be used to maximise the performance of both the public and private partners. Better contracts may help avoid the uneven results seen at institutions like the Netcare-Settlers PPP.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mahote, Tulisa
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Settlers Hospital , Netcare 911 , Public-private sector cooperation -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Privatization -- South Africa , Medical care -- Privatization -- South Africa , Health services accessibility -- South Africa , Contracting out -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3408 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020834
- Description: The neo-liberal restructuring of state assets and facilities, which has taken place internationally over the past three decades, as well as in South Africa, has been a matter of great controversy. Privatisation, in particular, has been a polarising issue, especially when applied to fields like healthcare. Supporters of privatisation view it as cutting costs, mobilising funding, expertise and innovation, resulting in improved delivery, and opening possibilities for a spread of ownership. Critics claim the process involves retrenchments, declining services for the (poorer) majority of people, and a focus on the elites as citizens become transformed into customers, and with any economic empowerment going to the already prosperous. This thesis examines these issues by looking at the privatisation of hospitals in South Africa, with a case study of the Netcare-Settlers Public Private Partnership (PPP) (also known as the Settlers Private Hospital) in Grahamstown, South Africa. Netcare is South Africa’s largest private hospital company, and also has substantial operations in the United Kingdom. The thesis sets out the context: a highly inequitable healthcare system in the country, the rise of privatisation in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras, and healthcare privatisation. In terms of the Netcare-Settlers PPP, the thesis examines how the PPP was structured and developed, focusing on the impact of the PPP on non-clinical operations. The thesis argues that the results of the PPP are mixed, that it has greatly improved areas like facilities, maintenance, cleaning and catering, performed less well in increasing the doctor/ patient ratio or in attracting specialists, and is associated with the widespread and problematic use of outsourcing of service workers like cleaners and security. Overall, the PPP has improved healthcare, with some effective sharing of resources between the public and private parts of the hospital, but also relies on a pool of relatively low waged, under-unionised, labour. In terms of the general debate over privatisation, the Netcare-Settlers PPP shows that both supporters and critics have some valid points, and that privatisation in practice is not an either/ or, black/ white, good/ bad proposition, but something more complex. The success and failure of PPPs depend on the details of the contracts, and these can be used to maximise the performance of both the public and private partners. Better contracts may help avoid the uneven results seen at institutions like the Netcare-Settlers PPP.
- Full Text:
The developmental impact of non-contributory social grants in South Africa : a study of Ezibeleni, Queenstown
- Authors: Xaba, Mzingaye Brilliant
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa , Poor -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Poverty -- South Africa -- Queenstown , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3402 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018919
- Description: Amartya Sen argued that poverty was the “deprivation” of the capability to lead a “good life”, therefore ending poverty meant meeting basic physical and social needs, and enabling meaningful economic and political choices. The principal objective of this research was to investigate whether (and if so, in what ways) post-apartheid state-provided non-contributory cash social grants in South Africa reduced “poverty” in Sen’s sense. This thesis used Ezibeleni, a historically black working class township at Queenstown, in the Eastern Cape, as a reference area. Using in-depth interviews, it found that social grants did help reduce poverty, both in terms of helping meet basic needs and enabling grant recipients to make more choices, including facilitating job searches and small businesses. However, it was also found that grants fall short of ending poverty, as the grants were too small to adequately cover basic needs in the context of large family sizes, a serious and long-term lack of resources, persistent unemployment, and high indebtedness, and could also enable only a limited expansion of choices. The grants played a positive role, but were inadequate to remove the “unfreedoms” facing the poor.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Xaba, Mzingaye Brilliant
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa , Poor -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Poverty -- South Africa -- Queenstown , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3402 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018919
- Description: Amartya Sen argued that poverty was the “deprivation” of the capability to lead a “good life”, therefore ending poverty meant meeting basic physical and social needs, and enabling meaningful economic and political choices. The principal objective of this research was to investigate whether (and if so, in what ways) post-apartheid state-provided non-contributory cash social grants in South Africa reduced “poverty” in Sen’s sense. This thesis used Ezibeleni, a historically black working class township at Queenstown, in the Eastern Cape, as a reference area. Using in-depth interviews, it found that social grants did help reduce poverty, both in terms of helping meet basic needs and enabling grant recipients to make more choices, including facilitating job searches and small businesses. However, it was also found that grants fall short of ending poverty, as the grants were too small to adequately cover basic needs in the context of large family sizes, a serious and long-term lack of resources, persistent unemployment, and high indebtedness, and could also enable only a limited expansion of choices. The grants played a positive role, but were inadequate to remove the “unfreedoms” facing the poor.
- Full Text:
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