Showing items 161 - 180 of 1224

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Bayakhala abamyama

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Bayeken'abantu benkosi

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Bazali bami ngephela ngiyalithanda

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Bazali nabafunsi tsapho

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Behind the barricades

- COSATU

  • Authors: COSATU
  • Date: 1987
  • Subjects: COSATU
  • Language: English
  • Type: text
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/172098 , vital:42159
  • Description: I saw a badly injured and handcuffed man pushed down the stairs of Cosatu House in central Johannesburg during this week’s police siege. After hitting the bottom of the stairs head first with a dull thud, he lay still. A young policeman moved up to him and hit him once on the rib with rubber pick-handle. The man didn't stir. He was dragged on the ground to a police truck before being thrown in head first.
  • Full Text:
  • Date Issued: 1987

Bendingekho

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Black blues

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Black entrepreneural experience and practice in Port Elizabeth

- Davies, William J

  • Authors: Davies, William J
  • Date: 1987
  • Subjects: Africans -- Commerce Port Elizabeth (South Africa) -- Commerce
  • Language: English
  • Type: Book , Text
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/2292 , vital:20273 , ISBN 086810163X
  • Description: Black business development in South Africa has been restricted by discriminatory legislation, regulation and custom for many years. Black entrepreneurs have been deliberately and systematically excluded from access to economic opportunities which might have facilitated their participation in moulding the national economy. This situation stemmed from a widely-held White view that Blacks should not have a permanent stake in non- "homeland" South African towns and that the interests of White business should be protected (Hart, 1972). Given these circumstances, Black business has not developed and diversified with the growth of capitalism in South Africa. In fact, capitalism's predominant interest in the Black population has been as labour units, not as partners in economic ventures. Those Blacks in business who have grown, and have established relatively successful business ventures, have done so despite the obstacles devised by the system. The successful Black businessman, therefore, reflects a particular brand of entrepreneurship characterised by determination, tenacity and a capacity to adapt over and above that which is usually required for survival in a competitive environment. The nature and scale of businesses to which Blacks were allowed access was limited to those which provide the daily domestic necessities of urban Black communities; ie, mainly convenience retailing (Davies, 1972). Black businessmen were also denied the right to acquire land in urban areas and such businesses as were allowed had to be conducted from rented premises. Thus, Black experience of crucial elements of entrepreneural development (such as locational choice, market selection and capital formation through property ownership) has been minimal, and so conditional that the aspirations of all but the most determined businessmen have been severely inhibited. Even the most competent Black entrepreneur has not been able to stray very far from the mould of "trader", which has become the stereotype of Black business. Hence, most business ventures in urban Black townships are associated with convenience retailing and service activities, mainly of modest proportions and not necessarily a reflection of the individual's business choice. The underdeveloped status of Black entrepreneurship in South Africa is thus due entirely to their exclusion from opportunities to gain experience, to take risks and to compete. The view of Blacks as not having an interest in, or an aptitude for, business is little more than a transparent rationalisation for institutionalised racism. The apparent lack of competitiveness amongst Blacks is the result of a complex set of inequities imposed over decades of "relative deprivation in terms of upbringing, nutritional standards, education and training, medical services, entrepreneural and professional opportunities, and horizontal and vertical mobility" (Leatt et al, 1986). It is against this background that the situation of Black business in Port Elizabeth must be seen. , Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
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  • Date Issued: 1987

Blowing wind

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Brother Joe

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Bush School After Dark

- Wylie, Dan

  • Authors: Wylie, Dan
  • Date: 1987
  • Subjects: To be catalogued
  • Language: English
  • Type: text , article
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/460397 , vital:75936 , https://journals.co.za/doi/epdf/10.10520/AJA00284459_438
  • Description: New Coin is one of South Africa's most established and influential poetry journals. It publishes poetry, and poetry-related reviews, commentary and interviews. New Coin places a particular emphasis on evolving forms and experimental use of the English language in poetry in the South African context. In this sense it has traced the most exciting trends and currents in contemporary poetry in South Africa for a decade of more. The journal is published twice a year in June and December by the Institute for the Study of English in Africa (ISEA), Rhodes University.
  • Full Text:
  • Date Issued: 1987

Buya sanalwani

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Buya thandile

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Buya Thandiwe

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Celan' eNkosini

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

Chamadekwe

- Performer not specified, Tracey, Andrew T N

Chamadekwe

- Performer not specified, Tracey, Andrew T N

Chamadekwe vasidzana

- Joseph Makuya, Tracey, Andrew T N

Changing attitudes of Black South Africans toward the United States of America

- Hirschmann, David

  • Authors: Hirschmann, David
  • Date: 1987
  • Subjects: Public opinion -- South Africa Black people -- South Africa -- Attitudes United States -- Relations -- South Africa South Africa -- Relations -- United States United States -- Foreign public opinion, South African
  • Language: English
  • Type: Book , Text
  • Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1888 , vital:20236 , ISBN 0868101494
  • Description: There is a tendency to term a major civil uprising a "revolution" only after it has succeeded to come close to success. While the final outcome of the present strife in South Africa remains uncertain, its dimensions amount to a revolution: in terms of breadth and depth of hostility, the determination to demonstrate the express that hostility, the period of sustained violence and disruption, the suffering involved and the acceptance of that suffering as essential to change, and the uncompromising and the increasingly fundamental objectives of the movement. The conflict has, of course, been there for centuries. The movement for change has been building up for most of this century. It has never been allowed to gain effective momentum. The present situation is different: it represents a broad, serious and sustained threat to the continuation of white rule. In accordance with the simple model set out above, the white rulers are pro-Western (President Botha has made much of this), capitalist (and of this too) and receive effective backing from domestic and international corporations, and from major Western Governments, such as the United Kingdom, the United States, West Germany and Japan. There are, however, certain specifics of the South African situation, and of its relationship with the United States, which must be kept in mind. For a start, the United States is not the ex-colonial power (as in the Philippines), nor is it the historical regional power (as in Latin America) nor the dominant proximate power (as in Nicaragua). Second, race is so important an element in this conflict, that notions of class exploitation and imperialism, as analytically valid as they may be, may have a more difficult time in taking hold of the minds of black South Africans. Third, and related to race, the United States experience with the civil rights movement may be seen by some blacks as having been successful, and therefore indicative of a political system worthy of respect. Fourth, the diplomatic activities of the United States under leaders like Kennedy and Carter may have left a residue of respect for United States intentions, and a readiness to distinguish Reagan's Constructive Engagement from an entity called "the United States Government", or from "the United States" as a whole. People may also distinguish between more or less progressive corporations, and between those companies and the United States Government. Further, for decades United States entertainment and mass media have strengthened bonds of music, humour, fashions and fun: there is a long-standing mass cultural connection between black South Africans and the United States which may influence evolving attitudes. There is no comparable connection with Eastern countries. Through strict censorship and control of education, black South Africans will have been denied the material on which to build a full understanding of the East. A number of leading blacks have trained or been on extended visits to Western countries. A number of them are religious leaders, such as Boesak and Tutu, who, while angry with the West, are not pro-communist in any form. The principal liberation organization, the African National Congress (ANC), emphasises a rather open-ended and undefined socialism, contains divergent ideological threads, and continues to court Western support. Furthermore, inside the country, radicalism may be more concerned with "black" radicalism than with "class" radicalism. It is also uncertain what lessons South African blacks have learned from the twenty-five years of domestic and foreign policy experience of independent Africa, nor how they assess the Mozambican, Angolan and Zimbabwean revolutionary and post-revolutionary programe, nor do we know how all of this effects the vision black South Africans hold of post-apartheid South Africa's future and of its place in the world. The purpose of the research was to begin to try to find answers to some of these questions, and in particular to investigate attitudes of black South African towards the United States of America; more particularly to observe if changes in attitude were taking place as the current prolonged period of crisis takes its course. , Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
  • Full Text:
  • Date Issued: 1987

Children aya dancing

- Monwabisi Gladstone Sabani, Tracey, Andrew T N

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