How to engage with challenges facing Water and Sanitation Services (WSS) in small municipalities
- Clifford-Holmes, Jai K, Carnohan, Shane, Slinger, Jill W, Palmer, Carolyn G
- Authors: Clifford-Holmes, Jai K , Carnohan, Shane , Slinger, Jill W , Palmer, Carolyn G
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , report
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/437869 , vital:73418 , ISBN 978-1 4312-0988-0 , https://wrcwebsite.azurewebsites.net/wp-content/uploads/mdocs/SP 120-18 web.pdf
- Description: Smaller South African municipalities have many urgent calls on their resources AT THE SAME TIME. • The need to pay salaries is sometimes more important than other concerns. • It is not always clear how different problems affect each other. • It is difficult to decide what to do each day. • There are always urgent crises to attend to. • There are many meetings to attend. • Operational and political priorities can be different. Thinking of, and talking about your municipality as a SYSTEM will help you to ACT in ways that reduce the impact of these issues. This handbook relates specifically to water and sanitation issues.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Clifford-Holmes, Jai K , Carnohan, Shane , Slinger, Jill W , Palmer, Carolyn G
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , report
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/437869 , vital:73418 , ISBN 978-1 4312-0988-0 , https://wrcwebsite.azurewebsites.net/wp-content/uploads/mdocs/SP 120-18 web.pdf
- Description: Smaller South African municipalities have many urgent calls on their resources AT THE SAME TIME. • The need to pay salaries is sometimes more important than other concerns. • It is not always clear how different problems affect each other. • It is difficult to decide what to do each day. • There are always urgent crises to attend to. • There are many meetings to attend. • Operational and political priorities can be different. Thinking of, and talking about your municipality as a SYSTEM will help you to ACT in ways that reduce the impact of these issues. This handbook relates specifically to water and sanitation issues.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
How to manage water quantity and water quality together
- Retief, Hugo, Holleman, Helen, Palmer, Carolyn G
- Authors: Retief, Hugo , Holleman, Helen , Palmer, Carolyn G
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , report
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/437907 , vital:73421 , ISBN 978-1 4312-0987-3 , https://wrcwebsite.azurewebsites.net/wp-content/uploads/mdocs/SP%20119-18%20web.pdf
- Description: All over the world water resources are under pressure due to over-use and pollution, and finding ways to meet the need for water is becoming increasingly difficult. Nat-ural variation in rainfall also contributes to making planning and management of flow and water quality, and especially these together, complex and difficult. People have realised that it is important to consider many factors when managing water – they call this Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). Integrating many factors is in line with the ideas that all the “How to” handbooks are based on. Please do read the foundation handbook: “How to think and act in ways that make Adap-tive IWRM practically possible”. In this handbook we consider how to integrate flow and water quality. Although some writers think taking account of all the many fac-tors is too difficult, others – including the authors of this handbook – believe it is essential to try if we want to find the balance between use and protection. IWRM also recognises that it is vital to involve stakeholders in decision-making if protec-tion of our water resources is going to be successful.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Retief, Hugo , Holleman, Helen , Palmer, Carolyn G
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , report
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/437907 , vital:73421 , ISBN 978-1 4312-0987-3 , https://wrcwebsite.azurewebsites.net/wp-content/uploads/mdocs/SP%20119-18%20web.pdf
- Description: All over the world water resources are under pressure due to over-use and pollution, and finding ways to meet the need for water is becoming increasingly difficult. Nat-ural variation in rainfall also contributes to making planning and management of flow and water quality, and especially these together, complex and difficult. People have realised that it is important to consider many factors when managing water – they call this Integrated Water Resource Management (IWRM). Integrating many factors is in line with the ideas that all the “How to” handbooks are based on. Please do read the foundation handbook: “How to think and act in ways that make Adap-tive IWRM practically possible”. In this handbook we consider how to integrate flow and water quality. Although some writers think taking account of all the many fac-tors is too difficult, others – including the authors of this handbook – believe it is essential to try if we want to find the balance between use and protection. IWRM also recognises that it is vital to involve stakeholders in decision-making if protec-tion of our water resources is going to be successful.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Evaluation of teaching and courses: reframing traditional understandings and practices
- Authors: Belluigi, Dina Z
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: Book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59546 , vital:27625
- Description: This anthology outlines case studies which have emerged from an approach to evaluation which enables individual academics to practice a degree of autonomy in how they determine their own evaluation agendas, methods and approaches. This has enabled individual cases of both rigour and creativity when it comes to the collection of data and generation of feed- back on their teaching and/or courses, particularly in relation to transforming curricula responsively; enabling student voice and increasing student ownership; and creating spaces for practices to be challenged. The purpose of the case studies is pedagogic and to illustrate a range of practices and principles. For the sake of clarity some of the details have been omitted or slightly changed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Belluigi, Dina Z
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: Book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/59546 , vital:27625
- Description: This anthology outlines case studies which have emerged from an approach to evaluation which enables individual academics to practice a degree of autonomy in how they determine their own evaluation agendas, methods and approaches. This has enabled individual cases of both rigour and creativity when it comes to the collection of data and generation of feed- back on their teaching and/or courses, particularly in relation to transforming curricula responsively; enabling student voice and increasing student ownership; and creating spaces for practices to be challenged. The purpose of the case studies is pedagogic and to illustrate a range of practices and principles. For the sake of clarity some of the details have been omitted or slightly changed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Bi-annual National Conference - Transformation
- FAWU
- Authors: FAWU
- Date: July 1997
- Subjects: FAWU
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/119020 , vital:34694
- Description: What is globilisation The definite answer may not be forthcoming but the process of globilisation may be defined and contextualised Generally 1 will loosely refer to this process [globilisation] as an expression of imperialism of the powerful rich north countries and their multinational companies [MNC or TNC] that undermine the economic borders and powers of the poor developing and underdeveloped south countries in terms of trade relations and economic interactions, i.e., I speak here of a kind of recolonialisation. It is recolonialisation in that the smaller, poor countries of the South are stripped of powers to virtually nothing regarding the scope to shape their economic policies in terms of the WTO trade system of the world This state of affairs also allows free movement of capital and goods from rich countries to poor countries at the benefit of the former and the detriment of the latter. This globilisation, as signed by the WTO, gained momentum and was given impetus by the collapse of the Eastern Socialist Block and Soviet union in particular This is because trade arrangements and economic relations within the socialist block and between socialist countries and developing countries collapsed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1997
- Authors: FAWU
- Date: July 1997
- Subjects: FAWU
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/119020 , vital:34694
- Description: What is globilisation The definite answer may not be forthcoming but the process of globilisation may be defined and contextualised Generally 1 will loosely refer to this process [globilisation] as an expression of imperialism of the powerful rich north countries and their multinational companies [MNC or TNC] that undermine the economic borders and powers of the poor developing and underdeveloped south countries in terms of trade relations and economic interactions, i.e., I speak here of a kind of recolonialisation. It is recolonialisation in that the smaller, poor countries of the South are stripped of powers to virtually nothing regarding the scope to shape their economic policies in terms of the WTO trade system of the world This state of affairs also allows free movement of capital and goods from rich countries to poor countries at the benefit of the former and the detriment of the latter. This globilisation, as signed by the WTO, gained momentum and was given impetus by the collapse of the Eastern Socialist Block and Soviet union in particular This is because trade arrangements and economic relations within the socialist block and between socialist countries and developing countries collapsed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1997
The cicada genus Stagira Stål 1861 (Homoptera Tibicinidae) systematic revision
- Authors: Villet, Martin H
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/453903 , vital:75297 , https://doi.org/10.1080/03946975.1997.10539347
- Description: The cicada genus Stagira Stål 1861 is redescribed and re-vised. S. sanguinea Distant 1920 n. syn. and S. rufi-costata Distant 1920 n. syn. are synonymized with S. seg-mentaria Karsch ! 890, while S. aethlius (Walker 1850) n. stat. and S. acrida (Walker 1850) n. stat. are removed from the synonymy of S. simplex (Germar 1834) and restored to specific status. An additional 32 new species are described and a key is provided to the males of the genus. Stagira is endemic to the eastern tropical transitional area of south-ern Africa, and has occupied a variety of habitats, from xe-ric scrub to grassland savanna to forest. It forms a group with the South African genera Xosopsaltria Kirkaldy 1904, Tettigomyia Amyot and Serville 1843 and Bavea Distant 1905.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Villet, Martin H
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/453903 , vital:75297 , https://doi.org/10.1080/03946975.1997.10539347
- Description: The cicada genus Stagira Stål 1861 is redescribed and re-vised. S. sanguinea Distant 1920 n. syn. and S. rufi-costata Distant 1920 n. syn. are synonymized with S. seg-mentaria Karsch ! 890, while S. aethlius (Walker 1850) n. stat. and S. acrida (Walker 1850) n. stat. are removed from the synonymy of S. simplex (Germar 1834) and restored to specific status. An additional 32 new species are described and a key is provided to the males of the genus. Stagira is endemic to the eastern tropical transitional area of south-ern Africa, and has occupied a variety of habitats, from xe-ric scrub to grassland savanna to forest. It forms a group with the South African genera Xosopsaltria Kirkaldy 1904, Tettigomyia Amyot and Serville 1843 and Bavea Distant 1905.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
Background Information for Wage Bargaining
- NALEDI
- Authors: NALEDI
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: NALEDI
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/151343 , vital:39057
- Description: This booklet’contains information to assist unions in the coming wage round. It was prepared as an information package for a wage bargaining workshop. It begins with a section that reviews economic trends, including growth, unemployment and inflation. At the end of the booklet is a more detailed article on inflation taken from the South African Labour Bulletin, showing why the official inflation rate underestimates the level of inflation for the poor. The next section covers employer comments regarding the coming wage negotiations. It includes information on wage levels, the apartheid wage gap and estimates on labour as a proportion of costs. Lastly there is a calendar showing when Cosatu members, and their unions implement wage increases.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: NALEDI
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: NALEDI
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/151343 , vital:39057
- Description: This booklet’contains information to assist unions in the coming wage round. It was prepared as an information package for a wage bargaining workshop. It begins with a section that reviews economic trends, including growth, unemployment and inflation. At the end of the booklet is a more detailed article on inflation taken from the South African Labour Bulletin, showing why the official inflation rate underestimates the level of inflation for the poor. The next section covers employer comments regarding the coming wage negotiations. It includes information on wage levels, the apartheid wage gap and estimates on labour as a proportion of costs. Lastly there is a calendar showing when Cosatu members, and their unions implement wage increases.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
ANC policy guidelines for a democratic South Africa : draft for discussion
- Policy Unit of the African National Congress
- Authors: Policy Unit of the African National Congress
- Date: 1992-04-27
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , Social planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66055 , vital:28891
- Description: The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992-04-27
- Authors: Policy Unit of the African National Congress
- Date: 1992-04-27
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , Social planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66055 , vital:28891
- Description: The basic objectives of ANC policy are threefold: * To overcome the legacy of inequality and injustice created by colonialism and apartheid, in a swift, progressive and principled way; * To develop an economy and state infrastructure that will progressively improve the quality of life of all South Africans; and, * To encourage the flourishing of the feeling that South Africa belongs to all who live in it, to promote a common loyalty to and pride in the country and to create a universal sense of freedom and security within its borders. These are not mutually exclusive goals. On the contrary, the future of our country depends on the harmonious and simultaneous realisation of all three. The advancement of the majority of people will, in the medium-and-long-term, release hitherto untapped and suppressed talents and energies that will both boost and diversify the economy. Developing the economy will, in turn, provide the basis for overcoming the divisions of the past without creating new ones. Finally, the achievement of a genuine sense of national unity depends on all of us working together to overcome the inequalities created by apartheid. The beacons guiding these advances are equal rights, nonracialism, non-sexism, democracy and mutual respect. A broad, inclusive approach, free of arrogance or complexes of superiority or inferiority, is fundamental. We have to develop a truly South African vision of our country, one undistorted by the prejudices and sectarianism that has guided viewpoints on race and gender, in the past. We have to rely on the wisdom, life experiences, talents and know-how of all South Africans, men and women. There can be no apartheid in finding solutions to the problems created by apartheid. This document does not present a rigid ANC blue-print for the future of South Africa, to which our supporters will be expected to rally and our opponents required to submit. Rather, the document represents a set of basic guidelines to policies we intend to pursue. These ideas will be developed through discussion within the ANC, and through consultation with the broadest spectrum of South African public opinion. The policies will be adapted according to these processes and on the basis of experience. Our problems run deep It is necessary to dwell on the problems which will be faced by the first government which is elected under a new democratic constitution. It will help create an understanding of the magnitude of the tasks involved in transforming our country into one where everyone can enjoy a reasonable standard of living combined with peace and security. It will underline the fact that there are choices to be made and priorities to be established. The nationalist government has pursued active political and social policies which, amongst others things, have led to: extreme levels of poverty and disease in the rural areas; the creation of urban ghettos where people have been denied access to even the most basic means of survival as a result of severely limited access to decent homes, electricity, water-borne sewerage, tarred roads, and recreational facilities; an education system preparing the majority of South Africans for lives of subordination and low income wage jobs; a social security system geared almost entirely to fulfilling the needs of the white minority; a health system that has seriously neglected the wellbeing of most South Africans; the social and political marginalisation of the majority of people, the African community in particular, their exclusion from public life and decision [ making as well as the denial of their culture. Gender discrimination has either excluded or subordinated the nature of women's participation in all socio-economic and political institutions. Combined with apartheid, this has resulted in African women being the most exploited and poverty stricken section of the South African population. Both the political system of apartheid and the pattern of economic development in our country, have been responsible for these developments. The white minority have used their exclusive access to political and economic power to promote their own sectional interests at the expense of black people and the country's natural resources. Black people have been systematically excluded and disadvantaged economically with the result that South Africa has one of the most unequal patterns of income and wealth distribution in the world. Since the mid-1970s, the South African economy has stagnated. An average growth rate of 6% in the 1960s declined to 3% in the 1970s and is now below 1%. Unemployment is estimated at over 40% of the economically active population. For over forty years, economic strategy was based on expanding industry through the substitution of hitherto imported manufactured goods for the wealthy minority. There has also been an emphasis on strategic industries such as arms and petrochemicals. This led to the emergence of a significant manufacturing sector in our country, but one which is generally uncompetitive in terms of international costs and prices. The alienation of land from the indigenous people and the denial of the African majority's rights to land and political power in our country are intimately connected. The agricultural sector in South Africa is currently experiencing a deep crisis. Debt levels of white farmers have reached R14 billion. These problems have led to rapidly increasing unemployment and a serious decline in living standards. Our people remain divided. We do not know each other. We are prevented from developing a national vision, in terms of which, we would see our country through the eyes of all its citizens, and not just one group or another. We live apart, physically separated, spiritually alienated, frightened of getting too close, knowing that we have different life-chances and different views of what change means. We are ruled by a multiplicity of fragmented departments, boards, councils and ministries. Apartheid has left us apart. Policies for transformation In this context it is vital that the ANC develops a clear response. This response must be aimed both at establishing a new and democratic political dispensation that replaces the racist and undemocratic apartheid constitution and addresses the legacy of apartheid in the broader socio-economic sphere. This document is a direct response to the above challenges. It sets out for discussion a comprehensive set of guidelines highlighting the ANC's broad policy response to all the major areas of political, social and economic life. The document is structured so as to highlight the strong relationship between the creation of political democracy and social and economic transformation. It is critical, however, that we honestly face up to the extent of the problems confronting our country. They are not going to be solved overnight and there are no easy or quick solutions. The problems run deep and resources are limited. Accordingly, the policies proposed here represent our broad vision. These policies highlight, our ultimate goals, which will need to be transformed into effective and realisable programmes in the short-term. In other words, we will need to establish priorities both within each of the different policy areas and between these broad areas. These priorities must be arrived at through democratic discussions and decision making processes and we must establish just and efficient mechanisms for implementing these decisions. Progress will also depend on involving as many sections of our society as possible in finding solutions.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1992-04-27
Medical schemes for workers
- Trade Union Research Project (TURP)
- Authors: Trade Union Research Project (TURP)
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: TURP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/169044 , vital:41678
- Description: Medical insurance schemes have become one of 111 the many fringe benefits being negotiated by unions. Medical insurance schemes are tied to the struggle for an adequate health service. Workers’ decision on whether or not to join medical insurance schemes has an important bearing on the operation of health services in a future democratic society. This booklet examines medical aid schemes, their advantages and disadvantages, how they operate and what possible alternatives to medical aid schemes exist. The booklet also looks at the state’s health strategy and how medical aid schemes fit into this. Chapter One of this booklet discusses the broad issues relating to medical insurance. Medical Aid Schemes and Medical Benefit Schemes are discussed in chapters two and three. Chapters four and five are for extra information. Some specific medical aid schemes are evaluated in chapter four. Chapter five looks at the tariff structure (cost) of medical services provided at Natal Provincial Hospitals. Medical Insurance means all the different types of schemes that operate to insure people against medical costs. A medical insurance could take the form of a medical aid scheme, a medical benefit scheme or other types of schemes. This-booklet concentrates on medical aid and medical benefit schemes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1989
- Authors: Trade Union Research Project (TURP)
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: TURP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/169044 , vital:41678
- Description: Medical insurance schemes have become one of 111 the many fringe benefits being negotiated by unions. Medical insurance schemes are tied to the struggle for an adequate health service. Workers’ decision on whether or not to join medical insurance schemes has an important bearing on the operation of health services in a future democratic society. This booklet examines medical aid schemes, their advantages and disadvantages, how they operate and what possible alternatives to medical aid schemes exist. The booklet also looks at the state’s health strategy and how medical aid schemes fit into this. Chapter One of this booklet discusses the broad issues relating to medical insurance. Medical Aid Schemes and Medical Benefit Schemes are discussed in chapters two and three. Chapters four and five are for extra information. Some specific medical aid schemes are evaluated in chapter four. Chapter five looks at the tariff structure (cost) of medical services provided at Natal Provincial Hospitals. Medical Insurance means all the different types of schemes that operate to insure people against medical costs. A medical insurance could take the form of a medical aid scheme, a medical benefit scheme or other types of schemes. This-booklet concentrates on medical aid and medical benefit schemes.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1989
Work in Progress Issue no.60 - Negotiations, another site of struggle
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Sep 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112067 , vital:33544
- Description: The air is thick with talk about negotiating South Africa's future. From the government of FW de Klerk and PW Botha to the rulers of England, the Soviet Union, the United States of America and West Germany; from the National and Democratic Parties to the ANC and SACP; from the 'mass democratic movement' to Inkatha, the Reserve Bank and those financial, commercial and industrial interests which make up South Africa's capitalist class: all have raised the vision of a negotiated settlement to the conflict over apartheid and South Africa's future. But matters are never that simple - especially in a conflict between interests which may be fundamentally opposed. Some years back, the ANC drew a distinction between 'talks' and 'negotiations' - a distinction which many commentators on South Africa seem unable to grasp. Additionally, serious analysts have noted that the idea and process of negotiation is itself an arena of struggle and contestation. This is true not only for opposition and anti-apartheid forces, but for the South African government itself. There is nothing predetermined or linear about a negotiation process - even if most parties are in agreement that, in principle, negotiated settlements are preferable to a 'fight to the death'. Negotiation is but one weapon in the arsenal of struggle-for all parties. Other weapons may-at various times - include armed force and military action, sanctions and international pressure, diplomacy and lobbying, destabilisation and disruption, mass politics and mobilisation, detentions, assassinations and vigilante activity. Many of these can be the tactics of struggle for the interests involved in the South African conflict: not only for the South African government, but also the Soviets, Americans or British; not only for the ANC and SACP, but also for Inkatha and the South African state's security apparatuses. And agreement in principle to negotiate is a long way from sitting across a table discussing the dismantling of apartheid and a postapartheid dispensation. Neither does a commitment to negotiations exclude the use of all tactics to create a climate most conducive to specific interests represented - be they the interests of white supremacy, imperialism, democracy, conservatism, capitalism or socialism. All the major actors involved in talking about negotiations know that well: it is only those who comment on and analyse their actions who often miss the point. For the ANC, then, there is no necessary contradiction between exploring negotiations and an armed struggle; For the SACP, working-class organisation, insurrectionary potentials and socialism are not contradicted by an agreement - at a particular point - to negotiate the dismantling of apartheid; For FW de Klerk, there is no conflict between the language of negotiation, a racial election and a state of emergency; For governments of other countries involved in the conflict, sanctions and international pressure on both the South African state and its anti-apartheid opponents do not run counter to a strategy of negotiations; And for Inkatha and its supporters, negotiations about peace in Natal seem compatible with a strategy of repressing all who fall outside their camp. These are the issues raised in a number of contributions to this edition of Work In Progress. All parties to the 'negotiation option' have contradictions to manage, suppress or overcome within their own ranks; all parties have the intention to create a climate most conducive to their interests and agendas; and all parties will, within the limits imposed by other forces operating on them, attempt to structure any negotiation process in favour of the interests they represent and champion. In this, they will utilise methods and tactics of struggle which appear to contradict a commitment to a negotiated settlement of South Africa's racial issues. There is nothing surprising in this: for negotiations themselves are a site of struggle, influencing and influenced by rhythms and developments in other areas and tactics of political struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Sep 1989
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Sep 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112067 , vital:33544
- Description: The air is thick with talk about negotiating South Africa's future. From the government of FW de Klerk and PW Botha to the rulers of England, the Soviet Union, the United States of America and West Germany; from the National and Democratic Parties to the ANC and SACP; from the 'mass democratic movement' to Inkatha, the Reserve Bank and those financial, commercial and industrial interests which make up South Africa's capitalist class: all have raised the vision of a negotiated settlement to the conflict over apartheid and South Africa's future. But matters are never that simple - especially in a conflict between interests which may be fundamentally opposed. Some years back, the ANC drew a distinction between 'talks' and 'negotiations' - a distinction which many commentators on South Africa seem unable to grasp. Additionally, serious analysts have noted that the idea and process of negotiation is itself an arena of struggle and contestation. This is true not only for opposition and anti-apartheid forces, but for the South African government itself. There is nothing predetermined or linear about a negotiation process - even if most parties are in agreement that, in principle, negotiated settlements are preferable to a 'fight to the death'. Negotiation is but one weapon in the arsenal of struggle-for all parties. Other weapons may-at various times - include armed force and military action, sanctions and international pressure, diplomacy and lobbying, destabilisation and disruption, mass politics and mobilisation, detentions, assassinations and vigilante activity. Many of these can be the tactics of struggle for the interests involved in the South African conflict: not only for the South African government, but also the Soviets, Americans or British; not only for the ANC and SACP, but also for Inkatha and the South African state's security apparatuses. And agreement in principle to negotiate is a long way from sitting across a table discussing the dismantling of apartheid and a postapartheid dispensation. Neither does a commitment to negotiations exclude the use of all tactics to create a climate most conducive to specific interests represented - be they the interests of white supremacy, imperialism, democracy, conservatism, capitalism or socialism. All the major actors involved in talking about negotiations know that well: it is only those who comment on and analyse their actions who often miss the point. For the ANC, then, there is no necessary contradiction between exploring negotiations and an armed struggle; For the SACP, working-class organisation, insurrectionary potentials and socialism are not contradicted by an agreement - at a particular point - to negotiate the dismantling of apartheid; For FW de Klerk, there is no conflict between the language of negotiation, a racial election and a state of emergency; For governments of other countries involved in the conflict, sanctions and international pressure on both the South African state and its anti-apartheid opponents do not run counter to a strategy of negotiations; And for Inkatha and its supporters, negotiations about peace in Natal seem compatible with a strategy of repressing all who fall outside their camp. These are the issues raised in a number of contributions to this edition of Work In Progress. All parties to the 'negotiation option' have contradictions to manage, suppress or overcome within their own ranks; all parties have the intention to create a climate most conducive to their interests and agendas; and all parties will, within the limits imposed by other forces operating on them, attempt to structure any negotiation process in favour of the interests they represent and champion. In this, they will utilise methods and tactics of struggle which appear to contradict a commitment to a negotiated settlement of South Africa's racial issues. There is nothing surprising in this: for negotiations themselves are a site of struggle, influencing and influenced by rhythms and developments in other areas and tactics of political struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Sep 1989
Work in Progress Issue no.37 - Unions & Community Organisations in Conflict
- WIP
- Authors: WIP
- Date: 1985
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111442 , vital:33457
- Description: South African politics is experiencing rapid realignments. Old and emerging alliances face severe tests in the present climate of recession and revolt. This is as obvious in the realm of popular and trade union politics as it is in the efforts of the extreme right wing to rebuild a power base. It is too easy to see areas of intense social conflict like the Eastern Cape in television-like images of death and street clashes. It is also too easy to attribute control and authority over events to local organisations. This issue of Work In Progress begins with a careful discussion of events surrounding the March stayaway in Port Elizabeth, tracing the organisational conflicts that are now being so bitterly fought out. In the intense stress of that crucible, divisions between trade union, political and community organisations have been carried to an extreme. Whether resolution of these competing organisational interests is possible remains unclear. But it does seem clear that few organisations are in control of members and supporters in the Eastern Cape - and this may be the result of an over-emphasis on political mobilisation, with a consequent neglect of the structures of political organisation. This over-emphasis on mobilisation has sometimes led to a search for simple answers to complex issues. For example, the rising tide of media and government hysteria about effective foreign disinvestment should not conceal the need for South African organisations to evaluate critically the effects of such campaigns at home. As at least some trade unions have found, a progressive policy on disinvestment is more complicated than it at first seems. As the 'Courts' feature in this WIP indicates, there are more treason trials underway in South Africa at present than at any previous time in history. Precisely why the state has chosen this moment to charge 16 UDF leaders in a trial which, on the face of it, deals with activities that were public and above-ground, is not clear. But from other treason trials before the courts, it seems that the ANC's armed struggle continues despite the Nkomati Accord and other similar agreements with Southern African governments. Of particular interest are state allegations that the ANC is training cadres inside South Africa, and that its military campaign includes township supporters who have not undergone specialised training outside South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985
- Authors: WIP
- Date: 1985
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111442 , vital:33457
- Description: South African politics is experiencing rapid realignments. Old and emerging alliances face severe tests in the present climate of recession and revolt. This is as obvious in the realm of popular and trade union politics as it is in the efforts of the extreme right wing to rebuild a power base. It is too easy to see areas of intense social conflict like the Eastern Cape in television-like images of death and street clashes. It is also too easy to attribute control and authority over events to local organisations. This issue of Work In Progress begins with a careful discussion of events surrounding the March stayaway in Port Elizabeth, tracing the organisational conflicts that are now being so bitterly fought out. In the intense stress of that crucible, divisions between trade union, political and community organisations have been carried to an extreme. Whether resolution of these competing organisational interests is possible remains unclear. But it does seem clear that few organisations are in control of members and supporters in the Eastern Cape - and this may be the result of an over-emphasis on political mobilisation, with a consequent neglect of the structures of political organisation. This over-emphasis on mobilisation has sometimes led to a search for simple answers to complex issues. For example, the rising tide of media and government hysteria about effective foreign disinvestment should not conceal the need for South African organisations to evaluate critically the effects of such campaigns at home. As at least some trade unions have found, a progressive policy on disinvestment is more complicated than it at first seems. As the 'Courts' feature in this WIP indicates, there are more treason trials underway in South Africa at present than at any previous time in history. Precisely why the state has chosen this moment to charge 16 UDF leaders in a trial which, on the face of it, deals with activities that were public and above-ground, is not clear. But from other treason trials before the courts, it seems that the ANC's armed struggle continues despite the Nkomati Accord and other similar agreements with Southern African governments. Of particular interest are state allegations that the ANC is training cadres inside South Africa, and that its military campaign includes township supporters who have not undergone specialised training outside South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985
Migrancy and development: prelude and variations on a theme
- Whisson, Michael G, de Wet, Christopher J, Manona, Cecil W, McAllister, Patrick A, Palmer, Robin C G
- Authors: Whisson, Michael G , de Wet, Christopher J , Manona, Cecil W , McAllister, Patrick A , Palmer, Robin C G
- Date: 1982
- Subjects: Labor supply -- South Africa Africans -- Employment Working class -- South Africa Ciskei (South Africa) -- Economic conditions Xhosa (African people)
- Language: English
- Type: Book , Text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/2101 , vital:20255 , ISBN 0868100994
- Description: Communities which have been characterised by migrancy for a long period of time, such as the Xhosa and the Italians considered in this paper, develop sets 6f terms which describe migrants. The Xhosa have varied criteria for their categories, e.g. amajoyini - those on contract to mainly the mining and construction industries; abafuduga - those who deliberately sell up and go elsewhere; amagoduka - those who intend to return home; imfiki - impoverished migrants from white owned farms. Italians tend to view the crossing of international boundaries as the essence of migration and classify their migrants by the state in which they work e.g. Inglesi, Americani, rather than by the more complex terminology of the Xhosa. Some terms are simply descriptions, others are categories with wider connotations, into which people place others and themselves. As far as possible we shall use the peoples' own categories, which define their relationships to "home", the region to which they migrate and to migrancy as a way of life, as these have important implications for what happens at home. , Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1982
- Authors: Whisson, Michael G , de Wet, Christopher J , Manona, Cecil W , McAllister, Patrick A , Palmer, Robin C G
- Date: 1982
- Subjects: Labor supply -- South Africa Africans -- Employment Working class -- South Africa Ciskei (South Africa) -- Economic conditions Xhosa (African people)
- Language: English
- Type: Book , Text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/2101 , vital:20255 , ISBN 0868100994
- Description: Communities which have been characterised by migrancy for a long period of time, such as the Xhosa and the Italians considered in this paper, develop sets 6f terms which describe migrants. The Xhosa have varied criteria for their categories, e.g. amajoyini - those on contract to mainly the mining and construction industries; abafuduga - those who deliberately sell up and go elsewhere; amagoduka - those who intend to return home; imfiki - impoverished migrants from white owned farms. Italians tend to view the crossing of international boundaries as the essence of migration and classify their migrants by the state in which they work e.g. Inglesi, Americani, rather than by the more complex terminology of the Xhosa. Some terms are simply descriptions, others are categories with wider connotations, into which people place others and themselves. As far as possible we shall use the peoples' own categories, which define their relationships to "home", the region to which they migrate and to migrancy as a way of life, as these have important implications for what happens at home. , Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1982
FOSATU Notice day
- FOSATU
- Authors: FOSATU
- Date: Apr 1980
- Subjects: FOSATU
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/118508 , vital:34641
- Description: This booklet gives the minimum period of notice required before either the employer or his employee may terminate his contract of employment as laid down in the various wage regulating measures ie. Wage Determinations, Industrial Council Agreements and Wage Orders. The booklet must be used in conjunction with the: "The complete guide to wage regulation measures" by H. Cheadle and L. Silver to determine the exact area and industrial scope to which each particular measure applies. The notice period given in the booklet is of course the minimum required and it can be varied by employers in determining individual contracts of employment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Apr 1980
- Authors: FOSATU
- Date: Apr 1980
- Subjects: FOSATU
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/118508 , vital:34641
- Description: This booklet gives the minimum period of notice required before either the employer or his employee may terminate his contract of employment as laid down in the various wage regulating measures ie. Wage Determinations, Industrial Council Agreements and Wage Orders. The booklet must be used in conjunction with the: "The complete guide to wage regulation measures" by H. Cheadle and L. Silver to determine the exact area and industrial scope to which each particular measure applies. The notice period given in the booklet is of course the minimum required and it can be varied by employers in determining individual contracts of employment.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Apr 1980
Rights at work - notes for tutors
- TUC
- Authors: TUC
- Subjects: TUC
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/155592 , vital:39897
- Description: The course materials for Rights at Work consist of: 13 separate printed booklets (latex-bound and punched so that they can be kept in a file), in the first print, the discovery exercises were only duplicated. In the second print, the discovery exercises represent the 13th booklet, a selection of duplicated case studies. Sets of the printed booklets will be available for each student to act as resource material during the course, and as a 'reference' book after the course. The case studies are provided as 'master copies' to be reproduced in sufficient student numbers by the tutors. As from the second print-run of materials (March 1980) each student 'set' of 13 booklets will arrive from the printers unseparated as one latex-bound 'volume'. It is strongly recommended that tutors separate out the 13 booklets themselves and hand them out separately week by week. Each booklet has a colour cover with cartoon, so the process of separation is fairly easy. To hand out the whole set of material at the beginning would be daunting for most students. The booklet of discovery exercises can either be handed out to students to keep, with the tutor directing students to the appropriate activity each week. Or tutors can keep the booklets and extract and hand out the appropriate activity each week. These tutors notes describe the overall aims and methods of the course and the job of the tutor in turning these course materials into a successful course. The notes are divided into two parts. The first part deals with the overall approach to the course, in terms of aims, structure and methods, and how to plan a course. The second part gives brief notes on using individual sections of the course.
- Full Text:
- Authors: TUC
- Subjects: TUC
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/155592 , vital:39897
- Description: The course materials for Rights at Work consist of: 13 separate printed booklets (latex-bound and punched so that they can be kept in a file), in the first print, the discovery exercises were only duplicated. In the second print, the discovery exercises represent the 13th booklet, a selection of duplicated case studies. Sets of the printed booklets will be available for each student to act as resource material during the course, and as a 'reference' book after the course. The case studies are provided as 'master copies' to be reproduced in sufficient student numbers by the tutors. As from the second print-run of materials (March 1980) each student 'set' of 13 booklets will arrive from the printers unseparated as one latex-bound 'volume'. It is strongly recommended that tutors separate out the 13 booklets themselves and hand them out separately week by week. Each booklet has a colour cover with cartoon, so the process of separation is fairly easy. To hand out the whole set of material at the beginning would be daunting for most students. The booklet of discovery exercises can either be handed out to students to keep, with the tutor directing students to the appropriate activity each week. Or tutors can keep the booklets and extract and hand out the appropriate activity each week. These tutors notes describe the overall aims and methods of the course and the job of the tutor in turning these course materials into a successful course. The notes are divided into two parts. The first part deals with the overall approach to the course, in terms of aims, structure and methods, and how to plan a course. The second part gives brief notes on using individual sections of the course.
- Full Text:
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