How to think and act in ways that make Adaptive IWRM practically possible
- Authors: Palmer, Carolyn G , Biggs, Harry , Rogers, Kevin H , du Toit, Derick , Pollard, Sharon
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , report
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/437937 , vital:73423 , ISBN 978-1 4312-0984-2 , https://wrcwebsite.azurewebsites.net/wp-content/uploads/mdocs/SP 116-18 web.pdf
- Description: “We cross the river by feeling the stones with our feet” (Chinese proverb). Most of the ideas in this handbook you already know from living your life. Here we put your everyday experience and knowledge into the language of managing water. In the last twenty years, there has been a lot of talk about new ways to make Integrated Water Resource Management or “IWRM” work, but not nearly as much useful knowledge about how to put those ideas into practice. We now know how to use a set of ideas and ways of understanding that help us to make IWRM really work prac-tically. We call this practical way of working: Adaptive IWRM. This is the first in a series of handbooks to come out of a WRC project Practising Adaptive IWRM (Inte-grated Water Resource Management (IWRM) in South Africa: towards practising a new paradigm* [TPNP]). The TPNP project researchers have had experience with many different situations in southern Africa, where people have grappled* with put-ting the ideas of complexity* and integration into practice.
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Boundary making and boundary crossing in learning pathways access and progression: Voices from the workplace
- Authors: Lotz-Sisitka, Heila , Mohanoe, M Nthabiseng , Ramsarup, Preesha , Olvitt, Lausanne L
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , bulletin
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/436374 , vital:73265 , ISBN bulletin , https://www.saqa.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/SAQA-Bulletin-2017-1.pdf#page=37
- Description: In the South African Qualifications Authority and Rhodes University (SAQA-Rhodes) partnership research it was found that ‘researching the boundary’is an important unit of analysis in learning pathways research (see Papers 1 and 2 in this Bulle-tin). The researchers have argued that this focus has rele-vance for discussions on articulation, as articulation is a boundary crossing practice39. However, to understand boundary crossing processes, it is important to understand what the boundaries are in learning pathways research and to understand how these boundaries were developed. Bounda-ries in learning pathways are both social and material and are constructed by people’s actions and practices, and can only be resolved through people’s actions and practices. This pa-per–Paper 5–considers the manner in which social-material factors are ‘boundary makers’ in learning pathways, affecting access, mobility, progression and articulation possibilities, with specific reference to articulation between workplace experi-ences and contexts on one hand, and education and training systems on the other. The paper argues for a perspective on the social-material that includes the Critical Realist concept of ‘absence’(Bhaskar, 1993) as an important shaping force in learning pathways research (see Paper 4, in this Bulletin). By identifying ‘boundary making’processes and factors, as articu-lated through ‘voices in the workplace’[one perspective on this issue], the paper identifies key areas for ‘boundary cross-ing’practices in the South African National Qualifications Framework (NQF) system and its associated sub-systems.
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The basic income grant in Namibia: resource book
- Authors: Haarmann, Claudia, 1970- , Haarmann, Dirk
- Date: 2005?
- Subjects: Income maintenance programs -- Namibia
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74460 , vital:30304
- Description: In recent months, the Basic Income Grant proposal has generated an overwhelming response in Namibia, and the launch of the Basic Income Grant Coalition has added further public debate. This resource book is compiled in order to inform policy makers and civil society role players about the background and the details of the proposal for a Basic Income Grant in Namibia. In addition, it provides the results of research of the social, economic and financial implications of a BIG in Namibia. The first section of the book documents the launch of the Basic Income Grant Coalition. The Council of Churches, the National Union of Namibian Workers, the National NGO Forum, the Namibian Network of AIDS Service Organisations, the Legal Assistance Centre, and the Labour, Resource and Research Institute committed themselves to the common platform on April 27th 2005. The platform of the coalition as well as the speeches at the launch of Bishop Dr. Z. Kameeta (Evangelical Lutheran Church in the Republic of Namibia (ELCRN) and Vice President of the Council of Churches in Namibia (CCN)), Mr. P. Naholo, Acting General Secretary of the National Union of Namibian Workers (NUNW), and Mr. S. Tjaronda, Chairperson of the Namibian NGO Forum (NANGOF), are published in this first section. This resource book is compiled in order to inform policy makers and civil society role players about the background and the details of the proposal for a Basic Income Grant in Namibia. The second section explains the underlying concept of the Basic Income Grant. Crucial questions of understanding and clarification are addressed in order to form the basis for an informed debate about the concept. The third section introduces the key passages of the findings and recommendations made by the Government appointed Namibia Tax Consortium (NAMTAX). In 2002 the tax consortium “found that by far the best method of addressing poverty and inequality would be a universal income grant [= Basic Income Grantf (NAMTAX, 2002:60). This research is crucial as it lays the foundation on the basis of which the churches, unions, NGOs and AIDS Service organisations have now formed the coalition to join hands with Government to see that this proposal can be implemented effectively. The fourth and fifth sections provide relevant results stemming from social and economic analysis. The fourth section by Dr. C. and Dr. D. Haarmann is based on a Microsimulation Model modelling the developmental impact of a Basic Income Grant on poverty and inequality. The fifth and final section by Prof. M. Samson and Ms. I. van Niekerk calculates the costs of the Basic Income Grant and its various financing options. Based on a comparative international Tax Effort Analysis, the affordability given Namibia’s current economic capacity is assessed. This section concludes by looking at likely second round effects on Namibia’s economy if a Basic Income Grant is to be introduced.
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Work in Progress Issue no.59 - Roads to congress
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: July 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112078 , vital:33545
- Description: South Africa is moving into its fourth year of continuous emergency rule. And with the exception of a few months during 1986, some areas are entering their fifth year under these conditions. The effects of permanent emergency rule have been traumatic and wide ranging. Under emergency rule, a fundamentally anti-democratic state has been able to impose itself on an unwilling people without being subject to scrutiny, discussion or legal opposition. And while South Africa pre-emergency had almost none of the rights and freedoms associated with democracy, the last few years have stripped society of the last vestiges of rule by consent. The nature of the emergency has changed. It began as an aggressive attack on the mass democratic movement and the situation of 'ungovernability' that popular insurrection created. It has changed to become an all-encompassing political strategy, a last defence against ideas which refuse to die. For while organisations have been smashed, the ideas and aspirations which grew from the turbulent early 1980s are showing signs of re-emerging. In this context it may well be true that this government cannot rule without recourse to emergency powers of enormous magnitude. It may also be true that suppression of information, debate and opposition, and unrestrained powers for security forces, are a necessary precondition for an apartheid government to rule a subject people. Government sources have often argued that emergency powers are designed to create a stable context for 'reform'. But what reforms of substance have been offered since the first emergency was declared in July 1985? Looking nervously over a shoulder at far-right interests threatened by the most superficial aspects of deracialisation is hardly an indication of reform. Proposals for a consultative council incorporating Africans are not only tired and bankrupt. Their uncomfortable similarities to the 'toy telephone' Native Representative Council of the 1940s ensures that even the most moderate of black interests will spurn such ideas. Only the discredited, the opportunistic, or those with no following or power base can contemplate participation. Emergency rule - like so many of the preconditions for maintaining apartheid - has created further disease and distortion in society. When the state's institutions of repression - notably police and military - have the free reign granted by emergency powers, it is no surprise that death squads operate seemingly without reprisals. When members of the 'security forces' have the power to incarcerate apartheid's opponents indefinitely, it is no surprise that assassinations, abductions and 'dirty tricks' departments flourish as additional means to remove organised opposition and resistence. It is six weeks since David Webster's death swelled the growing record of political assassinations, assaults and abductions. Over 12 years of publishing, David was a good friend to Work In Progress, writing for, distributing and supporting the publication. Fie was guest speaker at WIP's tenth anniversary celebration. And while police seem unable to find those specifically responsible for his murder, those who have created the atmosphere of emergency rule are the real culprits. It is but one small step from exercising legal powers to detain, ban and suppress, to the extra-legal actions of assassination and terror. Emergency rule will presumably continue until at least after the September general election. The National Party is keen to stay as far from the international spotlight as possible until after these elections. In particular, the new American administration, while clearly right wing, may have new and unpleasant approaches to sanctions and international pressure on South Africa. Internally, the opposition which can be generated in the election - be it from the far right or from those committed to democracy - clearly worries a government based on such shaky foundations. Government planners will still recall the organised resistance to the election of Indian and coloured houses which made such a mockery of the tricameral constitutional initiative. When a government, bankrupt in ideas and initiative's bent on holding power for its own sake - and has means like the state of emergency to enforce is rule - the prospects for any constructive negotiated change are indeed bleak.
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