Multivariate analysis of honeybees, Apis mellifera Linnaeus (Hymenoptera: Apidae), of the Horn of Africa
- Radloff, Sarah E, Hepburn, H Randall
- Authors: Radloff, Sarah E , Hepburn, H Randall
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/451987 , vital:75093 , https://hdl.handle.net/10520/AJA10213589_154
- Description: Morphometric characters and sting pheromones of worker honeybees, Apis mellifera Linnaeus, were analysed by multivariate methods to delineate the honeybee populations of the Horn of Africa. Four discrete and statistically homogeneous populations were identified: A. m. jemenitica Ruttner, A. m. bandasii Mogga, A. m. sudanensis Rashad in Ethiopia and an unclassified group in southwestern Somalia. Areas of high intercolonial variance are interpreted as zones of hybridization between the populations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Radloff, Sarah E , Hepburn, H Randall
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/451987 , vital:75093 , https://hdl.handle.net/10520/AJA10213589_154
- Description: Morphometric characters and sting pheromones of worker honeybees, Apis mellifera Linnaeus, were analysed by multivariate methods to delineate the honeybee populations of the Horn of Africa. Four discrete and statistically homogeneous populations were identified: A. m. jemenitica Ruttner, A. m. bandasii Mogga, A. m. sudanensis Rashad in Ethiopia and an unclassified group in southwestern Somalia. Areas of high intercolonial variance are interpreted as zones of hybridization between the populations.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
Policy Memo - Engineering hours of work
- NALEDI
- Authors: NALEDI
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: NALEDI
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/151200 , vital:39038
- Description: The National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa (Numsa). following Cosatu, has since its foundation argued for a 40 hour week and a ban on overtime to increase employment. The goal of a shorter working week should not. however, limit itself to employment. Metal workers work long, hard hours, an average 49 hour week in 1995. (ILO.1996:334) Shift workers often work longer, with serious health and safety risks, including shorter lives. A poor and inefficient transport system cuts at least another 5 to 10 hours a week from the time urban africans spend away from home, community and leisure. (CSS. 1995)1 Workers too must have the right to a healthy work environment and proper access to leisure time and family. The organisation of working time is also important, impacting on the ability of workers to effectively access education and training.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: NALEDI
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: NALEDI
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/151200 , vital:39038
- Description: The National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa (Numsa). following Cosatu, has since its foundation argued for a 40 hour week and a ban on overtime to increase employment. The goal of a shorter working week should not. however, limit itself to employment. Metal workers work long, hard hours, an average 49 hour week in 1995. (ILO.1996:334) Shift workers often work longer, with serious health and safety risks, including shorter lives. A poor and inefficient transport system cuts at least another 5 to 10 hours a week from the time urban africans spend away from home, community and leisure. (CSS. 1995)1 Workers too must have the right to a healthy work environment and proper access to leisure time and family. The organisation of working time is also important, impacting on the ability of workers to effectively access education and training.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
SA in the global economy
- TURP
- Authors: TURP
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: TURP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/160942 , vital:40569
- Description: There are growing ties in the world between countries which coincides with current major social, political and economic restructuring. This is what many refer to as “globalisation”. Globalisation is a process which involves greater influence by global forces on individual countries such as South Africa. It means that global rules are being set which impact on: the policies of our government, the way companies in South Africa make their plans, the way that trade unions, community organisations and development organisations take up issues, and the way individuals make a living in the country. Globalisation has raised new and difficult issues for the labour movement and have thrown up new forms of struggle. Some of these issues have stumped and even demobilised some unionists in South Africa and internationally. Some feel that globalisation cannot be challenged and that there is no alternative. Others feel that we have not become powerless and that there are ways to fight its negative effects. Turp has published a book on these issues entitled, South Africa in the Global Economy: understanding the challenges, working towards alternatives. One of the main purposes of the book is to clarify what the new complex and challenging issues are. By doing this, we hope to clarify what we are up against.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: TURP
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: TURP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/160942 , vital:40569
- Description: There are growing ties in the world between countries which coincides with current major social, political and economic restructuring. This is what many refer to as “globalisation”. Globalisation is a process which involves greater influence by global forces on individual countries such as South Africa. It means that global rules are being set which impact on: the policies of our government, the way companies in South Africa make their plans, the way that trade unions, community organisations and development organisations take up issues, and the way individuals make a living in the country. Globalisation has raised new and difficult issues for the labour movement and have thrown up new forms of struggle. Some of these issues have stumped and even demobilised some unionists in South Africa and internationally. Some feel that globalisation cannot be challenged and that there is no alternative. Others feel that we have not become powerless and that there are ways to fight its negative effects. Turp has published a book on these issues entitled, South Africa in the Global Economy: understanding the challenges, working towards alternatives. One of the main purposes of the book is to clarify what the new complex and challenging issues are. By doing this, we hope to clarify what we are up against.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
South African English: oppressor or liberator?
- Authors: Silva, Penny
- Date: 1997
- Language: English
- Type: text , conference publication
- Identifier: vital:7013 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013236 , https://www.ru.ac.za/media/rhodesuniversity/content/dsae/documents/articles/Silva_article.pdf
- Description: preprint , [From Conclusion] The advent of Nelson Mandela’s government in 1994 brought about rapid changes in the balance between English and Afrikaans in government and the media, and also increased the use of African languages on television. English remains the politically ‘neutral’ language for public use: President Mandela’s speeches are almost invariably in English; national conferences are held largely in English; in Parliament, although all official languages may be used, English is predominant; tertiary education is in English, with the exception of some of the Afrikaans-language campuses. Multilingualism is entrenched in the constitution, and supported as an ideal, but with its massive translating, interpreting, and printing implications, it is beyond the reach of the South African economy while there are urgent needs in health, housing, and education. The status of English as an international language, and as one which is politically more neutral than any other South African language, and its choice by the ANC, seems to ensure its ever-increasing dominance at a national level. At this level English is a national asset and ‘liberator’, in that it offers international access and a tool for communication between language groups. However, this dominance is likely to result in a growing resentment of English, particularly among those who have an ‘old’ political agenda, or who do not have access to becoming proficient in the language. To these South Africans, English will certainly be seen as ‘oppressor’. English in South Africa has long since passed out of the hands of mother-tongue speakers. With its increased public use by the new black elite, and in the electronic media, it seems likely that standard SAE is entering a period of accelerated change. This has already led to an intolerant reaction from some conservative English-speakers, and ‘standard’ is likely to become an increasingly difficult issue. If English is to be seen as ‘liberator’ by the average second-language speaker, the attitudes of mother-tongue speakers are significant. Triumphalism, arrogance, and irritation towards second-language speakers result in resentment. If it is to be ‘liberator’, English should be a resource to be appropriated and owned by all South Africans, not just the elite, to be used as a gateway to the wider world. For this to happen, creative solutions (and massive expenditure) would have to be applied to the teaching of English, particularly in black rural schools. Simultaneously, SAE will hopefully be claimed as the colourful and particularly local creation of an increasingly multi-ethnic company of first-, second-, and third-language speakers, and be used even more extensively than at present as the national language of communication. If it offers itself (and is perceived) as servant and liberator rather than oppressor, English will provide the linguistic ‘glue’ to bond a diverse and complex society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Silva, Penny
- Date: 1997
- Language: English
- Type: text , conference publication
- Identifier: vital:7013 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013236 , https://www.ru.ac.za/media/rhodesuniversity/content/dsae/documents/articles/Silva_article.pdf
- Description: preprint , [From Conclusion] The advent of Nelson Mandela’s government in 1994 brought about rapid changes in the balance between English and Afrikaans in government and the media, and also increased the use of African languages on television. English remains the politically ‘neutral’ language for public use: President Mandela’s speeches are almost invariably in English; national conferences are held largely in English; in Parliament, although all official languages may be used, English is predominant; tertiary education is in English, with the exception of some of the Afrikaans-language campuses. Multilingualism is entrenched in the constitution, and supported as an ideal, but with its massive translating, interpreting, and printing implications, it is beyond the reach of the South African economy while there are urgent needs in health, housing, and education. The status of English as an international language, and as one which is politically more neutral than any other South African language, and its choice by the ANC, seems to ensure its ever-increasing dominance at a national level. At this level English is a national asset and ‘liberator’, in that it offers international access and a tool for communication between language groups. However, this dominance is likely to result in a growing resentment of English, particularly among those who have an ‘old’ political agenda, or who do not have access to becoming proficient in the language. To these South Africans, English will certainly be seen as ‘oppressor’. English in South Africa has long since passed out of the hands of mother-tongue speakers. With its increased public use by the new black elite, and in the electronic media, it seems likely that standard SAE is entering a period of accelerated change. This has already led to an intolerant reaction from some conservative English-speakers, and ‘standard’ is likely to become an increasingly difficult issue. If English is to be seen as ‘liberator’ by the average second-language speaker, the attitudes of mother-tongue speakers are significant. Triumphalism, arrogance, and irritation towards second-language speakers result in resentment. If it is to be ‘liberator’, English should be a resource to be appropriated and owned by all South Africans, not just the elite, to be used as a gateway to the wider world. For this to happen, creative solutions (and massive expenditure) would have to be applied to the teaching of English, particularly in black rural schools. Simultaneously, SAE will hopefully be claimed as the colourful and particularly local creation of an increasingly multi-ethnic company of first-, second-, and third-language speakers, and be used even more extensively than at present as the national language of communication. If it offers itself (and is perceived) as servant and liberator rather than oppressor, English will provide the linguistic ‘glue’ to bond a diverse and complex society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
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