Wage negotiations: some practival information
- Trade Union Research Project (TURP)
- Authors: Trade Union Research Project (TURP)
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: Wage distribution -- South Africa , Wages and labour productivity
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60029 , vital:27724
- Description: The intention of this booklet is to assist unionists, shop stewards and organisers with preparation for wage negotiations. It raises ideas on how to deal with the common arguments that are used by management. This booklet is not a complete guide to wage negotiations. It concentrates mainly on economic factors which form only one part of wage negotiations. The handbook is divided into two sections. Section One deals with: Information about ownership, control and structure of South African companies; How to read and understand the information in a company’s annual report. Section Two deals with wage-related issues and it includes: Inflation; Subsistence levels and other surveys; Wages and wage policy. The booklet concludes with a checklist of information needed by wage negotiators and ends with a glossary of terms and a reference list.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Trade Union Research Project (TURP)
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: Wage distribution -- South Africa , Wages and labour productivity
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60029 , vital:27724
- Description: The intention of this booklet is to assist unionists, shop stewards and organisers with preparation for wage negotiations. It raises ideas on how to deal with the common arguments that are used by management. This booklet is not a complete guide to wage negotiations. It concentrates mainly on economic factors which form only one part of wage negotiations. The handbook is divided into two sections. Section One deals with: Information about ownership, control and structure of South African companies; How to read and understand the information in a company’s annual report. Section Two deals with wage-related issues and it includes: Inflation; Subsistence levels and other surveys; Wages and wage policy. The booklet concludes with a checklist of information needed by wage negotiators and ends with a glossary of terms and a reference list.
- Full Text:
Workshop package on discussion document on economic policy
- ANC Department of Economic Policy
- Authors: ANC Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1990?
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , Social planning -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66065 , vital:28896
- Description: This package was prepared by the ANC Department of Economic Policy to assist branches to discuss the discussion document on economic policy. It serves as a guide to discussion and is not a replacement for the document. The package contains ideas for inputs, illustrations and guide questions for discussions. The illustrations can be made into WALL CHARTS or TRANSPARENCIES and used with an overhead projector. We suggest that a group of people (the political education committee) come together to plan a workshop for branch members. Read both the package and the discussion document before planning. The ANC is in the process of setting up ANC Economic Associations in each region. If you need help, contact members of the Association through the regional office.
- Full Text:
- Authors: ANC Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1990?
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , Social planning -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66065 , vital:28896
- Description: This package was prepared by the ANC Department of Economic Policy to assist branches to discuss the discussion document on economic policy. It serves as a guide to discussion and is not a replacement for the document. The package contains ideas for inputs, illustrations and guide questions for discussions. The illustrations can be made into WALL CHARTS or TRANSPARENCIES and used with an overhead projector. We suggest that a group of people (the political education committee) come together to plan a workshop for branch members. Read both the package and the discussion document before planning. The ANC is in the process of setting up ANC Economic Associations in each region. If you need help, contact members of the Association through the regional office.
- Full Text:
Build NUMSA: NUMSA Shopstewards 1996-1999: a guide for NUMSA shop stewards
- National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa
- Authors: National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa
- Date: 199u
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68688 , vital:29305
- Description: The manual serves as a guide for shopstewards of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), in enabling shopstewards to support the union members. Included is the duties of a shopsteward, information pertaining to NUMSA, as well as an outline of the activities of NUMSA.
- Full Text:
- Authors: National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa
- Date: 199u
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68688 , vital:29305
- Description: The manual serves as a guide for shopstewards of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA), in enabling shopstewards to support the union members. Included is the duties of a shopsteward, information pertaining to NUMSA, as well as an outline of the activities of NUMSA.
- Full Text:
Chemical Workers Industrial Union: Shop steward foundation course
- Chemical Workers Industrial Union
- Authors: Chemical Workers Industrial Union
- Date: 199u
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68700 , vital:29306
- Description: This document is the shop steward foundation course manual.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Chemical Workers Industrial Union
- Date: 199u
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68700 , vital:29306
- Description: This document is the shop steward foundation course manual.
- Full Text:
Parliament for the people: take part in parliament
- Public Participation Unit of Parliament
- Authors: Public Participation Unit of Parliament
- Date: 199-?
- Subjects: Parliamentary practice -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76082 , vital:30501
- Description: Our Constitution says that South Africa must have an independent body, called Parliament, to make the laws of the country. Parliament is made up of our political representatives who are called Members of Parliament (MPs). We choose the MPs by voting in elections. Parliament has two main parts, called the Houses of Parliament. They are the National Assembly (NA) and the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The MPs discuss and debate the new laws and make changes to existing laws. Parliament also has many committees where they discuss the laws in detail. Members of Parliament also make sure that the government departments do their work properly. , Funded by the European Union
- Full Text:
- Authors: Public Participation Unit of Parliament
- Date: 199-?
- Subjects: Parliamentary practice -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76082 , vital:30501
- Description: Our Constitution says that South Africa must have an independent body, called Parliament, to make the laws of the country. Parliament is made up of our political representatives who are called Members of Parliament (MPs). We choose the MPs by voting in elections. Parliament has two main parts, called the Houses of Parliament. They are the National Assembly (NA) and the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The MPs discuss and debate the new laws and make changes to existing laws. Parliament also has many committees where they discuss the laws in detail. Members of Parliament also make sure that the government departments do their work properly. , Funded by the European Union
- Full Text:
Reconstruction development program quantification project
- National Institute for Economic Policy
- Authors: National Institute for Economic Policy
- Date: 199-?
- Subjects: Reconstruction and Development Program (South Africa) , Budget -- South Africa , Economic development projects -- South Africa , National Institute for Economic Policy (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76038 , vital:30496
- Description: These adjustments applied to most ministries. However variation in the coefficient was introduced in ministries where different adjustments were deemed appropriate. For example, in the Education and Training ministry, expenditure on personnel was increased by 2% in each of Programs 2 to 6, and held constant in Program 7. , Part 2; Section 2
- Full Text:
- Authors: National Institute for Economic Policy
- Date: 199-?
- Subjects: Reconstruction and Development Program (South Africa) , Budget -- South Africa , Economic development projects -- South Africa , National Institute for Economic Policy (South Africa)
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76038 , vital:30496
- Description: These adjustments applied to most ministries. However variation in the coefficient was introduced in ministries where different adjustments were deemed appropriate. For example, in the Education and Training ministry, expenditure on personnel was increased by 2% in each of Programs 2 to 6, and held constant in Program 7. , Part 2; Section 2
- Full Text:
Conference for a democratic future
- Conference for A Democratic Future (CDF) Organising Committee
- Authors: Conference for A Democratic Future (CDF) Organising Committee
- Date: 1989-12
- Subjects: Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa -- Congresses , Apartheid -- South Africa -- Congresses , National liberation movements -- South Africa -- Congresses , South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66502 , vital:28956
- Description: This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee. , Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)
- Full Text:
- Authors: Conference for A Democratic Future (CDF) Organising Committee
- Date: 1989-12
- Subjects: Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa -- Congresses , Apartheid -- South Africa -- Congresses , National liberation movements -- South Africa -- Congresses , South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66502 , vital:28956
- Description: This booklet is intended to serve as a report-back to those organisations which were party to the Conference for a Democratic Future (CDF) and to those who were unable to be present. It is also intended to act as a guide to action for 1990 and beyond. The CDF was a historic gathering of the forces for change represented by 4600 delegates from over 2100 organisations. These range form Bantustan parties on the one end of the political spectrum to ultra leftist groups on the other end. But perhaps the most significant presence was from organisations like Five Freedoms Forum, NAFCOC, the Hindu Seva Samaj, that of traditional leaders and the hundreds of other community organisations which are rapidly becoming an active component of the mass struggle for change. Also significant was the strong worker representation from a range of trade unions, including eight affiliates of NACTU whose leadership had turned down the invitation to be part of the Conference. The Conference for a Democratic Future was a major step in the overall process of building unity in action and maximising the isolation of the regime. It was, in this sense, not an isolated event. The year 1989 had taken unity in action to new heights with the Defiance Campaign and the mass marches. The process leading up to the CDF was intended td be more important then the Conference itself. Likewise, in the post-Conference period, the follow-up process should be given the importance it deserves. At the end of the day, it is this follow-up process which would determine the actual success or failure of the CDF exercise. The Declaration adopted at the Conference represents the strategic orientation of the broad forces for change. It calls for the intensification of the struggle and for the placing of the question of political power on the agenda of our united mass action. The Conference resolutions collectively contain the elements of a programme of action. Without exception, each resolution is a call to action. The task of all participants of the Conference is to translate these resolutions into Mass United Action. The adoption of the Harare Declaration should act as the starting point of a process which takes its content to the masses of our people in all comers of the country. The demand for the Constituent Assembly should become a popular demand of the people. By adopting the resolution on international pressure, the Conference sends an unambiguous signal to the world community on how the people of South Africa view their role in the struggle to end apartheid. The follow-up to the Conference should also be a continuing search for whatever common ground exists between the broad forces for change. This search must take place not only at a national level, but mere importantly at a regional and local level. Let us bear in mind the words of the Declaration: “The moral appeal of the Democratic Movement has never been greater”. by an MDM delegate on the CDF Convening Committee. , Includes the Harare Declaration: declaration of the OAU Ad-hoc Committee on Southern Africa on the Question of South Africa (Harare, Zimbabwe, August 21, 1989)
- Full Text:
Farmworker Research & Resource Project (DSRP): Press clips summary 3
- University of the Witwatersrand
- Authors: University of the Witwatersrand
- Date: 1989-06-30
- Subjects: Agricultural labourers -- South Africa , Agricultural labourers -- South Africa -- Economic conditions , Agricultural labourers -- South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68951 , vital:29342
- Description: Thousands of farmers were saved from bankruptcy by the Department of Agriculture, says Minister Greyling Wentzel. He said in 1986/1987 2 741 farmers who would have been bankrupt were saved through the department’s production aid scheme. The Rill,7m they received as loans enabled them to get a crop in the ground, without which they would have gone under. The debt consolidation scheme likewise helped about 2 000 farmers escape bankruptcy for the period 1983/1984 to 1986/1987.
- Full Text:
- Authors: University of the Witwatersrand
- Date: 1989-06-30
- Subjects: Agricultural labourers -- South Africa , Agricultural labourers -- South Africa -- Economic conditions , Agricultural labourers -- South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68951 , vital:29342
- Description: Thousands of farmers were saved from bankruptcy by the Department of Agriculture, says Minister Greyling Wentzel. He said in 1986/1987 2 741 farmers who would have been bankrupt were saved through the department’s production aid scheme. The Rill,7m they received as loans enabled them to get a crop in the ground, without which they would have gone under. The debt consolidation scheme likewise helped about 2 000 farmers escape bankruptcy for the period 1983/1984 to 1986/1987.
- Full Text:
The story of Jane G
- Authors: Cape Action League (C.A.L.)
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: Champion, A W G (Allison Wessels George), 1893-1975 , Capitalism -- South Africa , Civil rights movements -- South Africa , Trade Unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60143 , vital:27741
- Description: Jane G, first appeared as a series in Solidarity, the mouthpiece of the Cape Action League. The series was read by activists in community, student, youth and worker organisations. At the request of readers, the Cape Action League decided to publish the series as a booklet. The book is written in easy English in order for it to be used by workers and their allies as an instrument for active struggle against all forms of oppression and exploitation. The story of Jane G has its roots in the daily experiences of an ordinary black working mother living in South Africa/Azania. She is the mother you meet at the bus stop, meet in the taxi, talk to at the corner shop or prayer meeting. In this series, Jane G’s struggle is typical of the millions of workers suffering a similar fate in our country. Jane speaks of the hardship she faces under the exploitative cycle of earning low wages and paying high rents. The burden of working long hours and paying high prices for basic food in order to look after her family. She finds relief by joining the Clothing Workers’ Union which organises workers at the Rex-Tex factory where she works.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Cape Action League (C.A.L.)
- Date: 1989
- Subjects: Champion, A W G (Allison Wessels George), 1893-1975 , Capitalism -- South Africa , Civil rights movements -- South Africa , Trade Unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60143 , vital:27741
- Description: Jane G, first appeared as a series in Solidarity, the mouthpiece of the Cape Action League. The series was read by activists in community, student, youth and worker organisations. At the request of readers, the Cape Action League decided to publish the series as a booklet. The book is written in easy English in order for it to be used by workers and their allies as an instrument for active struggle against all forms of oppression and exploitation. The story of Jane G has its roots in the daily experiences of an ordinary black working mother living in South Africa/Azania. She is the mother you meet at the bus stop, meet in the taxi, talk to at the corner shop or prayer meeting. In this series, Jane G’s struggle is typical of the millions of workers suffering a similar fate in our country. Jane speaks of the hardship she faces under the exploitative cycle of earning low wages and paying high rents. The burden of working long hours and paying high prices for basic food in order to look after her family. She finds relief by joining the Clothing Workers’ Union which organises workers at the Rex-Tex factory where she works.
- Full Text:
Coloured labour relations and political organisation: past developments and a scenario
- Authors: Natherson, R
- Date: 1988-11
- Subjects: Industrial relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66392 , vital:28944 , ISBN 0797202048
- Description: The rise and development of ‘Coloured’ labour relations and political organisations form the central theme of this study. These two areas of South African contemporary history have received comparatively little attention for a number of reasons. Not the least of these is the controversial issue of whether or not it is justifiable or accurate to treat ‘Coloureds’ as a separate and identifiable group apart from the black majority. The term ‘Coloured’ as used in the South African context refers to those people often described in other societies as of mixed race, mulattos or half-castes. Within this study the term ‘Coloured with a capital C and hereafter without apostrophes is used to avoid confusion with ‘coloured1 meaning black. Black is used in the general sense of all those people not being White. The impact of organized Coloured politics, however, has been greater than their minority status would suggest, especially in the Cape, and in particular in the Western Cape, where most of the people described as Coloured live. When Coloured political mobilization started in the 1890’s, it centered in Cape Town. The founding of the first successful Coloured political movement, the African Political Organization (APO), marked the start of successful black political mobilization on a national scale in South Africa. Other Coloured organisations which emerged after the APO made important contributions to the tactics and ideologies of Black political leaders. Coloured intellectuals in the 1940’s propagated the principle of non-collaboration with segregatory political institutions, implemented through the tactic of the boycott, a strategy employed to good effect by contemporary Black organisations. This study is divided into three main sections. Chapters 1 and 2 trace the origins of the labour history in which past and present day developments in the industrial relations system can be viewed in relation to the political, industrial and economic systems that have evolved within South Africa since the occupation of the Western Cape by the Dutch in 1652. The initial contact between these Europeans and the indigenous inhabitants of the Cape developed a relationship which determined the pattern of interaction between Black and White South Africans the major traces of which have still remained until today. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 deal with the early history of the Coloured people, their industrial and political organisations prior to the watershed year of South African Industrial Relations, 1979, whereafter a more generalised view is adopted in order to trace the broad trends which have emerged with the new labour dispensation and its industrial enfranchisement of the Black worker. The remaining chapters concentrate on Coloured participation within the Industrial and Political arenas, particularly in the Western Cape, and offer substantiation for the postulate of a new political grouping based on socialist principles and having a similar trend in terms of its origins to that of the British Labour Party at its birth at the turn of this century. It is concluded that this grouping would be a natural home for the ‘stateless’ Coloured, and ideologically and politically would offer coherence and structure to the disparate groupings within the United Democratic Front (UDF) and form the most potential, Western Cape based political party ‘in waiting'. , This occasional paper is based on the technical report which received the Finansbank award for 1987
- Full Text:
- Authors: Natherson, R
- Date: 1988-11
- Subjects: Industrial relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66392 , vital:28944 , ISBN 0797202048
- Description: The rise and development of ‘Coloured’ labour relations and political organisations form the central theme of this study. These two areas of South African contemporary history have received comparatively little attention for a number of reasons. Not the least of these is the controversial issue of whether or not it is justifiable or accurate to treat ‘Coloureds’ as a separate and identifiable group apart from the black majority. The term ‘Coloured’ as used in the South African context refers to those people often described in other societies as of mixed race, mulattos or half-castes. Within this study the term ‘Coloured with a capital C and hereafter without apostrophes is used to avoid confusion with ‘coloured1 meaning black. Black is used in the general sense of all those people not being White. The impact of organized Coloured politics, however, has been greater than their minority status would suggest, especially in the Cape, and in particular in the Western Cape, where most of the people described as Coloured live. When Coloured political mobilization started in the 1890’s, it centered in Cape Town. The founding of the first successful Coloured political movement, the African Political Organization (APO), marked the start of successful black political mobilization on a national scale in South Africa. Other Coloured organisations which emerged after the APO made important contributions to the tactics and ideologies of Black political leaders. Coloured intellectuals in the 1940’s propagated the principle of non-collaboration with segregatory political institutions, implemented through the tactic of the boycott, a strategy employed to good effect by contemporary Black organisations. This study is divided into three main sections. Chapters 1 and 2 trace the origins of the labour history in which past and present day developments in the industrial relations system can be viewed in relation to the political, industrial and economic systems that have evolved within South Africa since the occupation of the Western Cape by the Dutch in 1652. The initial contact between these Europeans and the indigenous inhabitants of the Cape developed a relationship which determined the pattern of interaction between Black and White South Africans the major traces of which have still remained until today. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 deal with the early history of the Coloured people, their industrial and political organisations prior to the watershed year of South African Industrial Relations, 1979, whereafter a more generalised view is adopted in order to trace the broad trends which have emerged with the new labour dispensation and its industrial enfranchisement of the Black worker. The remaining chapters concentrate on Coloured participation within the Industrial and Political arenas, particularly in the Western Cape, and offer substantiation for the postulate of a new political grouping based on socialist principles and having a similar trend in terms of its origins to that of the British Labour Party at its birth at the turn of this century. It is concluded that this grouping would be a natural home for the ‘stateless’ Coloured, and ideologically and politically would offer coherence and structure to the disparate groupings within the United Democratic Front (UDF) and form the most potential, Western Cape based political party ‘in waiting'. , This occasional paper is based on the technical report which received the Finansbank award for 1987
- Full Text:
Salvaging the law: the second Ernie Wentzel memorial lecture
- Authors: Didcott, J M
- Date: 1988-10-04
- Subjects: Civil rights -- South Africa , Terrorism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73347 , vital:30178 , 1868140954
- Description: A budding author bold enough to have sent his manuscript to Dr Samuel Johnson for appraisal received a reply, so the story goes, in these terms: ‘Sir. Your work is both original and good. Unfortunately the part that is good is not original. And the part that is original is not good. I find it difficult to say anything new or original about the lovable man whose life we celebrate this afternoon and whose memory we thus keep alive. For so much has been said in the tributes previously paid to him, tributes testifying to the place he occupied in the hearts of countless South Africans. What is good should prove easier, however, when it is said of someone whom, at the ceremony held in court soon after his death, Ralph Zulman described, simply and truly, as a good man. So, be it said how it may, what I shall say today about Ernie Wentzel feels good to say. Unless someone who is now a lawyer was acquainted with Ernie during his childhood or schooldays, I can rightly claim, I believe, that none still around knew him for more years than I did. Our long friendship may explain why John Dugard honoured me with the invitation to deliver this lecture. It was certainly my reason for accepting the invitation with alacrity. Ernie and I first met each other 37 years ago, in 1951, when he entered the University of Cape Town, where I too was a student. I happened to be his senior by two years. But I soon got to know him well, for we had a lot in common. We were both enthusiastic student politicians. And we were in the same camp. Our time together on the campus was one of turmoil, not as acute as that which campuses have experienced subsequently, but intense nonetheless since, in addition to all the other strife of the period, the Universities of Cape T own and the W itwatersrand were under an attack that was constant and fierce for their policy of admitting students of every race, and they faced the threat of legislation forbidding them to accept any who was not white without official pennission.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Didcott, J M
- Date: 1988-10-04
- Subjects: Civil rights -- South Africa , Terrorism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73347 , vital:30178 , 1868140954
- Description: A budding author bold enough to have sent his manuscript to Dr Samuel Johnson for appraisal received a reply, so the story goes, in these terms: ‘Sir. Your work is both original and good. Unfortunately the part that is good is not original. And the part that is original is not good. I find it difficult to say anything new or original about the lovable man whose life we celebrate this afternoon and whose memory we thus keep alive. For so much has been said in the tributes previously paid to him, tributes testifying to the place he occupied in the hearts of countless South Africans. What is good should prove easier, however, when it is said of someone whom, at the ceremony held in court soon after his death, Ralph Zulman described, simply and truly, as a good man. So, be it said how it may, what I shall say today about Ernie Wentzel feels good to say. Unless someone who is now a lawyer was acquainted with Ernie during his childhood or schooldays, I can rightly claim, I believe, that none still around knew him for more years than I did. Our long friendship may explain why John Dugard honoured me with the invitation to deliver this lecture. It was certainly my reason for accepting the invitation with alacrity. Ernie and I first met each other 37 years ago, in 1951, when he entered the University of Cape Town, where I too was a student. I happened to be his senior by two years. But I soon got to know him well, for we had a lot in common. We were both enthusiastic student politicians. And we were in the same camp. Our time together on the campus was one of turmoil, not as acute as that which campuses have experienced subsequently, but intense nonetheless since, in addition to all the other strife of the period, the Universities of Cape T own and the W itwatersrand were under an attack that was constant and fierce for their policy of admitting students of every race, and they faced the threat of legislation forbidding them to accept any who was not white without official pennission.
- Full Text:
Procedures for the resolution of labour disputes
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, G
- Date: 1988-08-04
- Subjects: Labour disputes -- South Africa , Labour movement -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936 , vital:30643
- Description: After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, G
- Date: 1988-08-04
- Subjects: Labour disputes -- South Africa , Labour movement -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936 , vital:30643
- Description: After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.
- Full Text:
Transport and General Workers Union: Newsletter April, 1988
- TGWU
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-04
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/77048 , vital:30661
- Full Text:
- Authors: TGWU
- Date: 1988-04
- Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Collective bargaining , Collective labour agreements , Transport workers -- Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: eng
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/77048 , vital:30661
- Full Text:
Detention without trial: past, present and future
- Mathews, A S, Wylie, James Scott
- Authors: Mathews, A S , Wylie, James Scott
- Date: [1988]-02
- Subjects: Detention of persons -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political prisoners -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72512 , vital:30079
- Description: Detention without trial can be a formidable government weapon against political opponents. In South Africa this weapon has been fashioned into a multiple warhead. There are currently seven security law detention provisions on the statute book, of which one is dormant but can be activated by the State President. Non security law detention, for example detention under drug laws, will not be discussed in this paper. While the seven detention laws are of varying severity and serve different purposes, they are best classified and explained under two main categories or groups - preventive detention and pre-trial detention.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mathews, A S , Wylie, James Scott
- Date: [1988]-02
- Subjects: Detention of persons -- South Africa , Human rights -- South Africa , Political prisoners -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72512 , vital:30079
- Description: Detention without trial can be a formidable government weapon against political opponents. In South Africa this weapon has been fashioned into a multiple warhead. There are currently seven security law detention provisions on the statute book, of which one is dormant but can be activated by the State President. Non security law detention, for example detention under drug laws, will not be discussed in this paper. While the seven detention laws are of varying severity and serve different purposes, they are best classified and explained under two main categories or groups - preventive detention and pre-trial detention.
- Full Text:
October elections: a recipe for conflict?
- National Union of South African Students
- Authors: National Union of South African Students
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Local elections -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773 , vital:30112
- Description: On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
- Full Text:
- Authors: National Union of South African Students
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Local elections -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72773 , vital:30112
- Description: On October 26 1988, for the first time in the country’s history, South Africans of all races will be expected to go to the polls to elect their local government representatives. Never before have these elections been held together on the same day. That is about all that is historically "new" about the coming local authority elections. Yet to the government, the forthcoming municipal elections are all-important. So much so, that it is now an offense to call on people to boycott the elections. This booklet will attempt to find some explanations for why the coming municipal elections are so important to the government. How do they fit into the National Party’s political plans for the country and, most importantly, how do the majority of politically unrepresented South Africans view the elections and the structures of local government?
- Full Text:
Toward a co-operative way
- Authors: Roberts, R , Swart, Jane
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Cooperative societies -- South Africa , Rural development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75674 , vital:30447
- Description: This publication is not intended to be a scientific study and in fact does not pretend to be as such. It merely poses various perspectives and issues that reflect on the development and growth of the co-operative movement. A great deal of information grows out of personal and other experiences that have been shared at various levels, both individual, group, workshop/conferences and visits of actual co-operatives at work. The main people who have shared these experiences have helped, in one way or another to shape this publication. To them, and they know who they are, a very warm and special word of thanks. A particular note of appreciation for Sonja Sleigh and the members of the Peace Centre, who spent many hours in the typesetting and actual compilation of the publication. It is hoped that at the end of the day, that the questions and issues posed in this publication will serve towards enriching the growth process; the growth toward a richer and more human society.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Roberts, R , Swart, Jane
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: Cooperative societies -- South Africa , Rural development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75674 , vital:30447
- Description: This publication is not intended to be a scientific study and in fact does not pretend to be as such. It merely poses various perspectives and issues that reflect on the development and growth of the co-operative movement. A great deal of information grows out of personal and other experiences that have been shared at various levels, both individual, group, workshop/conferences and visits of actual co-operatives at work. The main people who have shared these experiences have helped, in one way or another to shape this publication. To them, and they know who they are, a very warm and special word of thanks. A particular note of appreciation for Sonja Sleigh and the members of the Peace Centre, who spent many hours in the typesetting and actual compilation of the publication. It is hoped that at the end of the day, that the questions and issues posed in this publication will serve towards enriching the growth process; the growth toward a richer and more human society.
- Full Text:
The national state of emergency
- Authors: Bureau of Information
- Date: 1987-06
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , State of siege -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74363 , vital:30293 , 0797012060
- Description: On 12 June 1986, at a joint sitting of the three houses of Parliament, the State President declared a National State of Emergency. In his speech he said: “. . .the sporadic instances of violence have once again begun to increase and have taken on such proportions that I am of the opinion that the ordinary laws of the land at present on the statute book are inadequate to enable the Government to ensure the security of the public and to maintain public order.” What were the State President’s reasons for declaring the State of Emergency? Was the Government’s action justified? What of the rule of law? Has the National State of Emergency achieved its objectives? When will the National State of Emergency be lifted?
- Full Text:
- Authors: Bureau of Information
- Date: 1987-06
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , State of siege -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74363 , vital:30293 , 0797012060
- Description: On 12 June 1986, at a joint sitting of the three houses of Parliament, the State President declared a National State of Emergency. In his speech he said: “. . .the sporadic instances of violence have once again begun to increase and have taken on such proportions that I am of the opinion that the ordinary laws of the land at present on the statute book are inadequate to enable the Government to ensure the security of the public and to maintain public order.” What were the State President’s reasons for declaring the State of Emergency? Was the Government’s action justified? What of the rule of law? Has the National State of Emergency achieved its objectives? When will the National State of Emergency be lifted?
- Full Text:
Cogmanskloof
- Authors: Küpper, Ingrid
- Date: 1987
- Subjects: Farms -- South Africa -- Montagu -- History , De Pasqual family , De Pasqual, Jan Daniel , Cogmanskloof (South Africa : Farm)
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66370 , vital:28941
- Full Text:
- Authors: Küpper, Ingrid
- Date: 1987
- Subjects: Farms -- South Africa -- Montagu -- History , De Pasqual family , De Pasqual, Jan Daniel , Cogmanskloof (South Africa : Farm)
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66370 , vital:28941
- Full Text:
Producer co-operatives in South Africa: their economic and political limits and potential
- Authors: Philip, T Kate
- Date: [1987?]
- Subjects: Cooperative societies -- South Africa , Producer cooperatives -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75250 , vital:30391
- Description: The social and political effects of mass unemployment in South Africa mean there is an urgent need for strategies of job- creation. In this context, the Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu), the South African Youth Congress (SAYCO), and the National Unemployed Workers' Co-ordinating Committee (NUWCC) have all expressed support for producer co-operatives, which are not only seen to have the potential to create jobs, but at the same time, are seen as providing a democratic alternative to capitalist enterprises. Thus firstly, this dissertation is exploring the potential for producer co-ops to fulfil these roles. However, for co-ops to make any contribution at all, they have to be economically viable. Thus this dissertation also attempts to analyse the terms on which this may be possible. In Chapter One, I analyse the roots of mass unemployment in South Africa, locate the problem and its effects within the framework of the current economic and political crisis, and analyse state strategies for overcoming this problem. I then turn to analysing the social and psychological effects of unemployment, and the implications of this for the growth of democratic organisation in the factories and township communities. I look at the strategies emerging for organising the unemployed, and conclude that the potential to organise the unemployed hinges largely around the extent to which unemployed workers' organisation manages to create jobs. In this regard, co-ops are a strategy of job creation that allows the unemployed to take the initiative in creating their own jobs, and on terms that build different forms of work organisation. On the basis of the priorities defined by the NUWCC, I then turn to analysing the limits and possibilities of co-op production. In Chapter Two, I address the theoretical issues that have emerged in relation to co-ops in capitalist society internationally, and attempt to analyse the reasons for their widespread economic failure, and for their tendency to degenerate into capitalist enterprises. From this, I draw out the potential terms on which collapse and/or degeneration can be countered, and refer to Mondragon in Spain and Lega in Italy as case studies. I then look at the potential political role co-ops can play, and conclude this chapter by focussing the issues discussed onto South African questions. In Chapter Three, I attempt a typology of co-op development in South Africa today, highlighting the extent to which a broad range of social forces see co-ops serving their own interests. Then, on the basis of a list of production co-ops in Addendum A, I analyse some of the overall features of the democratic co-ops that do exist at present, and point to the existence of degenerative tendencies in the South African context, with specific reference to Thusanang. I then focus on three case studies - the Pfananani co-ops, a carpentry co-op, and Nonthutuzelo. Each of these co-ops has arisen under different conditions, and they illustrate different aspects of the issues co-ops in SA will have to address if they are to survive. Chapter Four focusses on the production co-ops of the Sarmcol Workers Co-op (SAWCO), particularly the t-shirt co-op. The analysis of SAWCO constitutes the main case study of this dissertation. I have prioritised SAWCO because at the time I began the research, it was the only co-op with structural links to a Cosatu union; it is a co-op that arose out of the context of a workers' struggle, and contains important lessons for the establishment of co-ops with a clear relationship to democratic organisation. Furthermore, it relies on the 'solidarity' market to sell its products, and highlights certain important features and contradictions within this market. Finally, it highlights key issues in relation to the structures of ownership and control in democratic co-ops. In my conclusion, I attempt to draw together the material in the dissertation as a whole. I apply the theoretical discussion to the South African context, assess the implications of the nature of SA's economy for the development of co-ops, and attempt to provide some pointers to the terms on which democratic co-ops can be economically viable, thus creating jobs, at the same time as making a broader contribution to the extension of democracy in South Africa. , Labour studies research report (University of the Witwatersrand); v 4
- Full Text:
- Authors: Philip, T Kate
- Date: [1987?]
- Subjects: Cooperative societies -- South Africa , Producer cooperatives -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75250 , vital:30391
- Description: The social and political effects of mass unemployment in South Africa mean there is an urgent need for strategies of job- creation. In this context, the Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu), the South African Youth Congress (SAYCO), and the National Unemployed Workers' Co-ordinating Committee (NUWCC) have all expressed support for producer co-operatives, which are not only seen to have the potential to create jobs, but at the same time, are seen as providing a democratic alternative to capitalist enterprises. Thus firstly, this dissertation is exploring the potential for producer co-ops to fulfil these roles. However, for co-ops to make any contribution at all, they have to be economically viable. Thus this dissertation also attempts to analyse the terms on which this may be possible. In Chapter One, I analyse the roots of mass unemployment in South Africa, locate the problem and its effects within the framework of the current economic and political crisis, and analyse state strategies for overcoming this problem. I then turn to analysing the social and psychological effects of unemployment, and the implications of this for the growth of democratic organisation in the factories and township communities. I look at the strategies emerging for organising the unemployed, and conclude that the potential to organise the unemployed hinges largely around the extent to which unemployed workers' organisation manages to create jobs. In this regard, co-ops are a strategy of job creation that allows the unemployed to take the initiative in creating their own jobs, and on terms that build different forms of work organisation. On the basis of the priorities defined by the NUWCC, I then turn to analysing the limits and possibilities of co-op production. In Chapter Two, I address the theoretical issues that have emerged in relation to co-ops in capitalist society internationally, and attempt to analyse the reasons for their widespread economic failure, and for their tendency to degenerate into capitalist enterprises. From this, I draw out the potential terms on which collapse and/or degeneration can be countered, and refer to Mondragon in Spain and Lega in Italy as case studies. I then look at the potential political role co-ops can play, and conclude this chapter by focussing the issues discussed onto South African questions. In Chapter Three, I attempt a typology of co-op development in South Africa today, highlighting the extent to which a broad range of social forces see co-ops serving their own interests. Then, on the basis of a list of production co-ops in Addendum A, I analyse some of the overall features of the democratic co-ops that do exist at present, and point to the existence of degenerative tendencies in the South African context, with specific reference to Thusanang. I then focus on three case studies - the Pfananani co-ops, a carpentry co-op, and Nonthutuzelo. Each of these co-ops has arisen under different conditions, and they illustrate different aspects of the issues co-ops in SA will have to address if they are to survive. Chapter Four focusses on the production co-ops of the Sarmcol Workers Co-op (SAWCO), particularly the t-shirt co-op. The analysis of SAWCO constitutes the main case study of this dissertation. I have prioritised SAWCO because at the time I began the research, it was the only co-op with structural links to a Cosatu union; it is a co-op that arose out of the context of a workers' struggle, and contains important lessons for the establishment of co-ops with a clear relationship to democratic organisation. Furthermore, it relies on the 'solidarity' market to sell its products, and highlights certain important features and contradictions within this market. Finally, it highlights key issues in relation to the structures of ownership and control in democratic co-ops. In my conclusion, I attempt to draw together the material in the dissertation as a whole. I apply the theoretical discussion to the South African context, assess the implications of the nature of SA's economy for the development of co-ops, and attempt to provide some pointers to the terms on which democratic co-ops can be economically viable, thus creating jobs, at the same time as making a broader contribution to the extension of democracy in South Africa. , Labour studies research report (University of the Witwatersrand); v 4
- Full Text:
Briefing paper two: the National Security Management System
- Date: 1986-06?
- Subjects: National Security Management System (South Africa) , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76903 , vital:30635
- Description: The aim of the government' s state of emergency in June 1986 was to try and bring the country under control through the use of force. Tens of thousands of people were detained, and many were tilled. At the same time, the government has been building a National Security Management System (NSMS). This is a series of structures throughout South Africa, designed to defend apartheid. The main type of structure is called a Joint Management Centre (JHC). Before we explain what a JMC is and what it does, it is useful to know where the idea for a National Security Management System comes from.
- Full Text:
- Date: 1986-06?
- Subjects: National Security Management System (South Africa) , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76903 , vital:30635
- Description: The aim of the government' s state of emergency in June 1986 was to try and bring the country under control through the use of force. Tens of thousands of people were detained, and many were tilled. At the same time, the government has been building a National Security Management System (NSMS). This is a series of structures throughout South Africa, designed to defend apartheid. The main type of structure is called a Joint Management Centre (JHC). Before we explain what a JMC is and what it does, it is useful to know where the idea for a National Security Management System comes from.
- Full Text: