M.M. Hala: Memoirs of an Umkhonto WeSizwe Cadre
- Authors: Hala, Mzimasi Mike
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: African National Congress , Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) , Anti-apartheid movements South Africa , Anti-apartheid activists South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1948-1994 , Hani, Chris, 1942-1993 , Holomisa, Bantu, 1955- , Bisho massacre
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406785 , vital:70307
- Description: Born in Komani (Queenstown) in 1959 and detained for Congress of South African Students (COSAS) activities while still at school, Mzimasi Mike Hala departed South Africa via Swaziland in 1981 and joined uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK). Trained in Angola, Cuba and East Germany, he commanded Cacuso camp in Angola, until redeployed to South Africa in 1987 to work underground in Venda and Cape Town. Following the unbanning of the liberation movements in 1990, he was appointed Commander of MK’s Transkei Region, where he was in charge of Chris Hani’s personal security. For reasons of space, the memoir does not proceed beyond his integration into the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and second-in-command of SANDF Group 46 in Mthatha. Besides its value as a primary source of previously undocumented information, the thesis seeks to bridge the gap between the academic literature on MK and the lived experience of MK soldiers. Having considered both the academic literature and the published MK memoirs in Chapter One, the thesis refers back to the literature in narrative chapters Two to Five. Consolidating its findings in its conclusion, the final chapter is divided into three sections: the political culture of MK, MK gender dynamics and the consequences of the political merger of the “exiles,” including MK, and the “inziles” who subsequently came to dominate the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 2022
- Full Text:
- Authors: Hala, Mzimasi Mike
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: African National Congress , Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) , Anti-apartheid movements South Africa , Anti-apartheid activists South Africa , South Africa Politics and government 1948-1994 , Hani, Chris, 1942-1993 , Holomisa, Bantu, 1955- , Bisho massacre
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/406785 , vital:70307
- Description: Born in Komani (Queenstown) in 1959 and detained for Congress of South African Students (COSAS) activities while still at school, Mzimasi Mike Hala departed South Africa via Swaziland in 1981 and joined uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK). Trained in Angola, Cuba and East Germany, he commanded Cacuso camp in Angola, until redeployed to South Africa in 1987 to work underground in Venda and Cape Town. Following the unbanning of the liberation movements in 1990, he was appointed Commander of MK’s Transkei Region, where he was in charge of Chris Hani’s personal security. For reasons of space, the memoir does not proceed beyond his integration into the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel and second-in-command of SANDF Group 46 in Mthatha. Besides its value as a primary source of previously undocumented information, the thesis seeks to bridge the gap between the academic literature on MK and the lived experience of MK soldiers. Having considered both the academic literature and the published MK memoirs in Chapter One, the thesis refers back to the literature in narrative chapters Two to Five. Consolidating its findings in its conclusion, the final chapter is divided into three sections: the political culture of MK, MK gender dynamics and the consequences of the political merger of the “exiles,” including MK, and the “inziles” who subsequently came to dominate the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Institute of Social and Economic Research, 2022
- Full Text:
The changing nature of work: understanding precarity and the gendered individualisation of risk in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Mhlana, Siviwe
- Date: 2021
- Subjects: Precarious employment , Labor supply -- South Africa , Labor supply -- Statistics -- South Africa , Precarious employment -- South Africa , Informal sector (Economics) -- Employees -- South Africa , Women employees -- South Africa , Women temporary employees -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/172146 , vital:42170
- Description: Against the backdrop of workplace restructuring globally, post-Apartheid South Africa is experiencing consistently high levels of unemployment, the deterioration of employment security, and limited improvements in earnings. This trend in the proliferation of low-paid, unstable and otherwise insecure employment has given rise to a segment of the literature that is centred on the growing precariousness of work in a number of different contexts. This thesis reviews empirical work on the changing nature of labour-intensive production in the past two decades, with particular focus on the trends in non-standard, informal and precarious employment. Further, the thesis examines the shift in the gender structure of South Africa’s manufacturing sector and how it affects the share in the benefits of employment, particularly with regard to social reproduction. In so doing, the thesis expands the critical theoretical narrative about the challenges of labour under neoliberalism by providing an intersectional perspective of precarious work in post- Apartheid South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mhlana, Siviwe
- Date: 2021
- Subjects: Precarious employment , Labor supply -- South Africa , Labor supply -- Statistics -- South Africa , Precarious employment -- South Africa , Informal sector (Economics) -- Employees -- South Africa , Women employees -- South Africa , Women temporary employees -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/172146 , vital:42170
- Description: Against the backdrop of workplace restructuring globally, post-Apartheid South Africa is experiencing consistently high levels of unemployment, the deterioration of employment security, and limited improvements in earnings. This trend in the proliferation of low-paid, unstable and otherwise insecure employment has given rise to a segment of the literature that is centred on the growing precariousness of work in a number of different contexts. This thesis reviews empirical work on the changing nature of labour-intensive production in the past two decades, with particular focus on the trends in non-standard, informal and precarious employment. Further, the thesis examines the shift in the gender structure of South Africa’s manufacturing sector and how it affects the share in the benefits of employment, particularly with regard to social reproduction. In so doing, the thesis expands the critical theoretical narrative about the challenges of labour under neoliberalism by providing an intersectional perspective of precarious work in post- Apartheid South Africa.
- Full Text:
Decent work and informal employment: the case of Bulawayo Metropolitan Province (Central Business District) Zimbabwe
- Authors: Bob, Shaka Keny
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Labor -- Zimbabwe , Informal sector (Economics) -- Zimbabwe , Job creation -- Zimbabwe , Poor -- Zimbabwe -- Employment , Labor policy -- Zimbabwe , Football coaches -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115241 , vital:34104
- Description: Zimbabwe, similar to other developing countries experiences a high level of informal employment. However, most informal jobs are situated in very poor working conditions and are characterised by decent work deficits. Despite the fact that various studies have shown the importance of the informal economy in that it provides livelihood earning opportunities for the majority of people in the Global South, it has remained a largely forgotten sector in policy making in most countries. It is, therefore, important that informal work be taken seriously and efforts must be made to improve working conditions for the urban working poor in the developing world. The purpose of this study is to investigate on the self-reported experiences of informal workers to understand their perspectives surrounding the concept of decent work in the Zimbabwean context. The case study is the Bulawayo metropolitan province, and this study targeted informal workers who trade within the central business district. The study also aimed to measure the decent work deficit scores between two economic sectors (food and clothing traders). This was done by testing the suitability of the Edward Webster Decent Work Deficit Index as a methodology of measuring decent work at a micro level. The analysis is based on a mixed methods study which was carried out through the use of a semi-structured survey. The study revealed that decent work for the sampled informal workers meant work related improvements, insurances and risk management, right of expression and business advancement skills which closely resembles the International Labour Organisation's conceptualisation of decent work. The study also highlighted that childcare assistance and disability insurance are concepts which remained excluded in the current conceptualisation of decent work. The thesis offers a new policy angle which shows that to promote decent work the concept of heterogeneity must be adopted because inequalities persist within the informal economy. The study also suggested that the Edward Webster Decent Work Deficit Index can be used as an appropriate methodology of monitoring the progress towards achieving decent work at the micro level i.e. industry or individual level. This is because since the formation of the decent work concept; the International Labour Organisation has only provided a methodology of how to measure the progress of decent work at the county level. The survey findings revealed that food vendors scored more poorly on the decent work deficit index compared to the clothing traders. The study also identified that food vendors and clothing traders are faced with different challenges which suggests that policy makers must take that into consideration when attempting to design policies or programmes which are aimed at assisting informal workers.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Bob, Shaka Keny
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Labor -- Zimbabwe , Informal sector (Economics) -- Zimbabwe , Job creation -- Zimbabwe , Poor -- Zimbabwe -- Employment , Labor policy -- Zimbabwe , Football coaches -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115241 , vital:34104
- Description: Zimbabwe, similar to other developing countries experiences a high level of informal employment. However, most informal jobs are situated in very poor working conditions and are characterised by decent work deficits. Despite the fact that various studies have shown the importance of the informal economy in that it provides livelihood earning opportunities for the majority of people in the Global South, it has remained a largely forgotten sector in policy making in most countries. It is, therefore, important that informal work be taken seriously and efforts must be made to improve working conditions for the urban working poor in the developing world. The purpose of this study is to investigate on the self-reported experiences of informal workers to understand their perspectives surrounding the concept of decent work in the Zimbabwean context. The case study is the Bulawayo metropolitan province, and this study targeted informal workers who trade within the central business district. The study also aimed to measure the decent work deficit scores between two economic sectors (food and clothing traders). This was done by testing the suitability of the Edward Webster Decent Work Deficit Index as a methodology of measuring decent work at a micro level. The analysis is based on a mixed methods study which was carried out through the use of a semi-structured survey. The study revealed that decent work for the sampled informal workers meant work related improvements, insurances and risk management, right of expression and business advancement skills which closely resembles the International Labour Organisation's conceptualisation of decent work. The study also highlighted that childcare assistance and disability insurance are concepts which remained excluded in the current conceptualisation of decent work. The thesis offers a new policy angle which shows that to promote decent work the concept of heterogeneity must be adopted because inequalities persist within the informal economy. The study also suggested that the Edward Webster Decent Work Deficit Index can be used as an appropriate methodology of monitoring the progress towards achieving decent work at the micro level i.e. industry or individual level. This is because since the formation of the decent work concept; the International Labour Organisation has only provided a methodology of how to measure the progress of decent work at the county level. The survey findings revealed that food vendors scored more poorly on the decent work deficit index compared to the clothing traders. The study also identified that food vendors and clothing traders are faced with different challenges which suggests that policy makers must take that into consideration when attempting to design policies or programmes which are aimed at assisting informal workers.
- Full Text:
Charting freedom: inequality beliefs, preferences for redistribution, and distributive social policy in contemporary South Africa
- Authors: Roberts, Benjamin J
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions South Africa -- Economic policy South Africa -- Social policy , Democracy -- Economic conditions -- South Africa Race discrimination -- South Africa Poverty -- South Africa Equality -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64999 , vital:28644
- Description: While the transition to democracy in South Africa extended civil and political rights and freedoms to all South Africans, there has been disagreement over the preferred nature and scope of social rights within post-apartheid society, reflecting debates over the trajectory of economic policy. Appreciable developmental gains have been made by the state over the last quarter-century, yet the challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality persist, coupled with mounting popular discontent with the pace of transformation and political accountability. This has led to fundamental questions about social justice, restitution, and the kind of society we wish to promote. Appeals for a more inclusive, transformative social policy have also emerged, arguing that a wider vision of society is required involving multiple government responsibilities and informed by an ethic of equality and social solidarity. Against this background, in this thesis I study the views of the South African public towards economic inequality, general preferences for government-led redistribution, as well as support for social policies intended to promote racial and economic transformation. The research has been guided by several overarching questions: To what extent do South Africans share common general beliefs about material inequality? Does the public exhibit a preference for government redistribution in principle? And how unified or polarised are South Africans in their support for specific redress policies in the country? Responding to these questions has been achieved by drawing on unique, nationally representative data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS), which has enabled me to chart social attitudes over a period of almost fifteen years between late 2003 and early 2017. Use has also been made of social citizenship as a guiding conceptual framework to understanding social policy predispositions and analysing attitudinal change. The results demonstrate that the public is united in its awareness of and deep concern about economic inequality. Since the early 2000s, a significant majority has consistently expressed the view that the income gap in the country is too large, articulated a strong preference for a more equitable social structure, and acknowledged the class and social tensions that economic inequality has produced. There is also a preference for a narrowing of earnings disparities, a more generous minimum wage, and regulatory limits on executive pay. While this suggests a desire for fair and legitimate remuneration, the analysis also reveals that South Africans are willing to tolerate fairly high levels of inequality. Nonetheless, these beliefs are generally interpreted as a desire for a more equitable and fair society. This preference for change is reflected in a fairly strong belief that government should assume responsibility for reducing material disparities. One’s social position, mobility history, awareness of inequality, political leaning and racial attitudes all have a bearing on how weak and strong this predisposition is, but the normative demand for political redistribution remains fairly widely shared irrespective of these individual traits. Greater polarisation is however evident with respect to redistributive social policy, especially measures designed to overcome historical racial injustice (affirmative action, sports quotas, and land reform). These intergroup differences converge considerably when referring to class-based policy measures. One surprising finding is the evidence that South Africa’s youngest generation, the so-called ‘Born Frees’, tend to adopt a similar predisposition to redress policy as older generations, thus confounding expectations of a post-apartheid value change. I conclude by arguing that there seems to be a firmer basis for a social compact about preferences for interventions designed to produce a more just society than is typically assumed. Intractably high levels of economic inequality during the country’s first quarter-century of democracy is resulting in a growing recognition of the need for a stronger policy emphasis on economic inequality in South Africa over coming decades if the vision enshrined in the Freedom Charter and the Constitution is to be realised. South Africans may not be able to fully agree about the specific elements that constitute a socially just response to economic inequality. Yet, the common identification of and concern with redressable injustice, coupled with a broad-based commitment to government redistribution and classbased social policies, could serve as a foundation on which to rekindle the solidaristic spirit of 1994 and forge progress towards a more equitable society.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Roberts, Benjamin J
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions South Africa -- Economic policy South Africa -- Social policy , Democracy -- Economic conditions -- South Africa Race discrimination -- South Africa Poverty -- South Africa Equality -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/64999 , vital:28644
- Description: While the transition to democracy in South Africa extended civil and political rights and freedoms to all South Africans, there has been disagreement over the preferred nature and scope of social rights within post-apartheid society, reflecting debates over the trajectory of economic policy. Appreciable developmental gains have been made by the state over the last quarter-century, yet the challenges of poverty, unemployment and inequality persist, coupled with mounting popular discontent with the pace of transformation and political accountability. This has led to fundamental questions about social justice, restitution, and the kind of society we wish to promote. Appeals for a more inclusive, transformative social policy have also emerged, arguing that a wider vision of society is required involving multiple government responsibilities and informed by an ethic of equality and social solidarity. Against this background, in this thesis I study the views of the South African public towards economic inequality, general preferences for government-led redistribution, as well as support for social policies intended to promote racial and economic transformation. The research has been guided by several overarching questions: To what extent do South Africans share common general beliefs about material inequality? Does the public exhibit a preference for government redistribution in principle? And how unified or polarised are South Africans in their support for specific redress policies in the country? Responding to these questions has been achieved by drawing on unique, nationally representative data from the South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS), which has enabled me to chart social attitudes over a period of almost fifteen years between late 2003 and early 2017. Use has also been made of social citizenship as a guiding conceptual framework to understanding social policy predispositions and analysing attitudinal change. The results demonstrate that the public is united in its awareness of and deep concern about economic inequality. Since the early 2000s, a significant majority has consistently expressed the view that the income gap in the country is too large, articulated a strong preference for a more equitable social structure, and acknowledged the class and social tensions that economic inequality has produced. There is also a preference for a narrowing of earnings disparities, a more generous minimum wage, and regulatory limits on executive pay. While this suggests a desire for fair and legitimate remuneration, the analysis also reveals that South Africans are willing to tolerate fairly high levels of inequality. Nonetheless, these beliefs are generally interpreted as a desire for a more equitable and fair society. This preference for change is reflected in a fairly strong belief that government should assume responsibility for reducing material disparities. One’s social position, mobility history, awareness of inequality, political leaning and racial attitudes all have a bearing on how weak and strong this predisposition is, but the normative demand for political redistribution remains fairly widely shared irrespective of these individual traits. Greater polarisation is however evident with respect to redistributive social policy, especially measures designed to overcome historical racial injustice (affirmative action, sports quotas, and land reform). These intergroup differences converge considerably when referring to class-based policy measures. One surprising finding is the evidence that South Africa’s youngest generation, the so-called ‘Born Frees’, tend to adopt a similar predisposition to redress policy as older generations, thus confounding expectations of a post-apartheid value change. I conclude by arguing that there seems to be a firmer basis for a social compact about preferences for interventions designed to produce a more just society than is typically assumed. Intractably high levels of economic inequality during the country’s first quarter-century of democracy is resulting in a growing recognition of the need for a stronger policy emphasis on economic inequality in South Africa over coming decades if the vision enshrined in the Freedom Charter and the Constitution is to be realised. South Africans may not be able to fully agree about the specific elements that constitute a socially just response to economic inequality. Yet, the common identification of and concern with redressable injustice, coupled with a broad-based commitment to government redistribution and classbased social policies, could serve as a foundation on which to rekindle the solidaristic spirit of 1994 and forge progress towards a more equitable society.
- Full Text:
Governing pregnancy in South Africa: political and health debate, policy and procedures
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa. Department of Health (1994- ) , Maternal health services -- South Africa , Mothers -- Mortality -- South Africa , Prenatal care -- South Africa , African mothers -- Mortality -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76552 , vital:30600
- Description: South Africa democratised in 1994. However, due to the discriminatory and segregationist character of the preceding regime, vast swathes of the country’s spaces and people entered the democratic period heavily deprived of essential government services. This was the case with health care in general, including maternal health care. There were also little to no national data available on maternal deaths, especially among the black population. One of the first tasks of the new National Department of Health (NDoH) was to target the high maternal mortality rate. The NDoH made maternal deaths notifiable by law and instituted auditing and information gathering systems in the health sector; health infrastructure was expanded exponentially, and maternal health care was made free. Despite this, the last 24 years have seen the maternal mortality escalate. The latest statistics show that between 1200 and 1300 women die in the South African public health sector each year during pregnancy and the puerperium. This puts the current institutional maternal mortality rate (MMR) at around 154/100 000 live births. The international target for ‘developing’ countries was to reduce the MMR rate by three quarters by 2015, which would have meant a reduction to 38/100 000 live births. The aim of this dissertation is to examine how the democratic South African government (influenced heavily by global health thinking) has laboured to reduce that statistic. I analyse, using Foucauldian discourse analysis, all relevant health and maternal health policies, procedural documents and reports produced by and for the NDoH in the last 24 years. I draw on Foucauldian concepts, specifically those related to Foucault’s work on governmentality. In this dissertation I introduce a new perspective towards the maternal health practices implemented in South Africa, practices that have generally remained unquestioned, been perceived as self-evident, and thus often escaping critical analysis. Through an analysis of the intended operation of the public antenatal clinic (within the larger institutional system) I show how ‘development’ has come to operate as a truth regime in South Africa – facilitating the introduction of liberal governmentality (including some advanced liberal practices) into public health service provision.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa. Department of Health (1994- ) , Maternal health services -- South Africa , Mothers -- Mortality -- South Africa , Prenatal care -- South Africa , African mothers -- Mortality -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76552 , vital:30600
- Description: South Africa democratised in 1994. However, due to the discriminatory and segregationist character of the preceding regime, vast swathes of the country’s spaces and people entered the democratic period heavily deprived of essential government services. This was the case with health care in general, including maternal health care. There were also little to no national data available on maternal deaths, especially among the black population. One of the first tasks of the new National Department of Health (NDoH) was to target the high maternal mortality rate. The NDoH made maternal deaths notifiable by law and instituted auditing and information gathering systems in the health sector; health infrastructure was expanded exponentially, and maternal health care was made free. Despite this, the last 24 years have seen the maternal mortality escalate. The latest statistics show that between 1200 and 1300 women die in the South African public health sector each year during pregnancy and the puerperium. This puts the current institutional maternal mortality rate (MMR) at around 154/100 000 live births. The international target for ‘developing’ countries was to reduce the MMR rate by three quarters by 2015, which would have meant a reduction to 38/100 000 live births. The aim of this dissertation is to examine how the democratic South African government (influenced heavily by global health thinking) has laboured to reduce that statistic. I analyse, using Foucauldian discourse analysis, all relevant health and maternal health policies, procedural documents and reports produced by and for the NDoH in the last 24 years. I draw on Foucauldian concepts, specifically those related to Foucault’s work on governmentality. In this dissertation I introduce a new perspective towards the maternal health practices implemented in South Africa, practices that have generally remained unquestioned, been perceived as self-evident, and thus often escaping critical analysis. Through an analysis of the intended operation of the public antenatal clinic (within the larger institutional system) I show how ‘development’ has come to operate as a truth regime in South Africa – facilitating the introduction of liberal governmentality (including some advanced liberal practices) into public health service provision.
- Full Text:
The knowledge commons, pan-Africanism, and epistemic inequality: a study of CODESRIA
- Authors: Hoffmann, Nimi
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Pan-Africanism , Codesria , Equality -- Africa , Social justice -- Africa , Feminist criticism -- Africa , Sex discrimination against women -- Africa , Postcolonialism -- Africa , Women intellectuals -- Africa , Academic freedom -- Africa , Africans -- Intellectual life
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60303 , vital:27764
- Description: This study is about the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). Conceived in 1964 and formalised in 1973, CODESRIA is the longest-standing pan-African intellectual organisation on the continent. It was established with the primary objective of fostering greater collaboration between African scholars, and has acquired a reputation for challenging the marginalisation and fragmentation of African scholarship. However, there has been no systematic account of this important organisation. This study aims to cast light on this organisation and its intellectual contributions in the post-independence period. It examines CODESRIA as a knowledge commons - a community of scholars that creates, manages and shares intellectual goods outside of the state and the market. It asks: what factors have shaped CODESRIA as a pan-African knowledge commons in the context of epistemic inequality? As a way of answering this question, it examines three key debates: the different meanings of pan-Africanism in CODESRIA, CODESRIA’s defence of the academic project during structural adjustment, and African feminists’ struggles to change CODESRIA. These debates exemplify the ways in which different generations of African scholars in the post - independence period have sought to make sense of and respond to the problems of inequality - both outside of CODESRIA and within CODESRIA. This thesis approaches CODESRIA as a case study. It combines a document analysis with semi-structured interviews to construct and critique key intellectuals' understandings of the organisational design and practices of CODESRIA, the nature of its community and intellectual work. It supplements this with a descriptive analysis of CODESRIA’s bibliometric and administrative data. The study finds that CODESRIA has forged a distinctive form of pan-Africanism that offers a non-governmental and intellectual alternative to state-centric and bureaucratic forms of pan-Africanism. As a powerful counter-narrative to prevailing ideas of African intellectual inferiority, pan-Africanism has been an important motivational source for establishing and cohering CODESRIA’s community. Although its pan-African organisational form has been complicated by the enduring influence of colonial frameworks and limited by the the material and institutional weaknesses of African universities, it has nevertheless acted as a mode of collective enquiry for troubling and expanding the colonial conception of Africa. This study further finds that structural adjustment fundamentally reshaped the intellectual and material underpinnings of CODESRIA with complex and ambiguous results. In the short term, CODESRIA’s analysis of structural adjustment led to considerable intellectual and organisational innovation so that it grew in size and influence. In the long-run, however, structural adjustment eroded the public universities upon which CODESRIA relied. This eroded the mechanisms to maintain its intellectual vigour and democratic character, and increased CODESRIA’s dependency on donors. The study also finds that the struggles of feminist scholars to change unequal gender norms in CODESRIA have been a source of significant intellectual and organisational renewal. Contestations over gender inequality within CODESRIA have given rise to a distinctive form of African feminism, which emphasises the historicity of gender relations in ways that reject essentialist and teleological accounts of African societies. Feminist struggles have also given rise to new standards of scholastic excellence that mark a meaningful departure from the skewed standards introduced under colonial rule. Nevertheless, the persistent minoritisation of female scholars in CODESRIA has significantly limited their capacity to effect institutional change, such that the ghettoization of feminist scholarship and the hollowing out of feminist discourses on gender remains a constant threat. The central argument of this study is that inequality can motivate marginalised members to engage in the collective action required to create and reshape knowledge commons, but it can also constrain their collective action and threaten the long-term sustainability of the commons. The collective agency of marginalised individuals is therefore central to the flourishing of knowledge commons. Second, knowledge commons are intimately dependent on public goods, such as universities. Public goods are plausibly the source, and therefore the limit, of knowledge commons’ capacity to flourish over the long-term. As a consequence, it is likely that knowledge commons are complements to public goods provision, rather than substitutes. Rethinking the knowledge commons in terms of the predicaments of African intellectual communities, I contend, provides new ways of understanding the possibilities, constraints and contradictions of knowledge commons in an unequal world. This study contributes to the empirical literature on African intellectual communities. In particular, it provides critical knowledge on a scholarly community that has not only endured, but has managed to thrive in a context of profound economic and political instability. This provides an indication of the institutions, practices, and intellectual resources that are required to ensure that African knowledge systems flourish over the long-term. This study also makes a theoretical contribution to the literature on knowledge commons, which are largely theorised using examples from the global North. It shows how reconceptualising knowledge commons in terms of inequality opens up new lines of empirical investigation. Building on existing commons research, it develops a methodological framework for comparative research on southern knowledge commons, which may also be of use for investigating commons in general.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Hoffmann, Nimi
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Pan-Africanism , Codesria , Equality -- Africa , Social justice -- Africa , Feminist criticism -- Africa , Sex discrimination against women -- Africa , Postcolonialism -- Africa , Women intellectuals -- Africa , Academic freedom -- Africa , Africans -- Intellectual life
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60303 , vital:27764
- Description: This study is about the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). Conceived in 1964 and formalised in 1973, CODESRIA is the longest-standing pan-African intellectual organisation on the continent. It was established with the primary objective of fostering greater collaboration between African scholars, and has acquired a reputation for challenging the marginalisation and fragmentation of African scholarship. However, there has been no systematic account of this important organisation. This study aims to cast light on this organisation and its intellectual contributions in the post-independence period. It examines CODESRIA as a knowledge commons - a community of scholars that creates, manages and shares intellectual goods outside of the state and the market. It asks: what factors have shaped CODESRIA as a pan-African knowledge commons in the context of epistemic inequality? As a way of answering this question, it examines three key debates: the different meanings of pan-Africanism in CODESRIA, CODESRIA’s defence of the academic project during structural adjustment, and African feminists’ struggles to change CODESRIA. These debates exemplify the ways in which different generations of African scholars in the post - independence period have sought to make sense of and respond to the problems of inequality - both outside of CODESRIA and within CODESRIA. This thesis approaches CODESRIA as a case study. It combines a document analysis with semi-structured interviews to construct and critique key intellectuals' understandings of the organisational design and practices of CODESRIA, the nature of its community and intellectual work. It supplements this with a descriptive analysis of CODESRIA’s bibliometric and administrative data. The study finds that CODESRIA has forged a distinctive form of pan-Africanism that offers a non-governmental and intellectual alternative to state-centric and bureaucratic forms of pan-Africanism. As a powerful counter-narrative to prevailing ideas of African intellectual inferiority, pan-Africanism has been an important motivational source for establishing and cohering CODESRIA’s community. Although its pan-African organisational form has been complicated by the enduring influence of colonial frameworks and limited by the the material and institutional weaknesses of African universities, it has nevertheless acted as a mode of collective enquiry for troubling and expanding the colonial conception of Africa. This study further finds that structural adjustment fundamentally reshaped the intellectual and material underpinnings of CODESRIA with complex and ambiguous results. In the short term, CODESRIA’s analysis of structural adjustment led to considerable intellectual and organisational innovation so that it grew in size and influence. In the long-run, however, structural adjustment eroded the public universities upon which CODESRIA relied. This eroded the mechanisms to maintain its intellectual vigour and democratic character, and increased CODESRIA’s dependency on donors. The study also finds that the struggles of feminist scholars to change unequal gender norms in CODESRIA have been a source of significant intellectual and organisational renewal. Contestations over gender inequality within CODESRIA have given rise to a distinctive form of African feminism, which emphasises the historicity of gender relations in ways that reject essentialist and teleological accounts of African societies. Feminist struggles have also given rise to new standards of scholastic excellence that mark a meaningful departure from the skewed standards introduced under colonial rule. Nevertheless, the persistent minoritisation of female scholars in CODESRIA has significantly limited their capacity to effect institutional change, such that the ghettoization of feminist scholarship and the hollowing out of feminist discourses on gender remains a constant threat. The central argument of this study is that inequality can motivate marginalised members to engage in the collective action required to create and reshape knowledge commons, but it can also constrain their collective action and threaten the long-term sustainability of the commons. The collective agency of marginalised individuals is therefore central to the flourishing of knowledge commons. Second, knowledge commons are intimately dependent on public goods, such as universities. Public goods are plausibly the source, and therefore the limit, of knowledge commons’ capacity to flourish over the long-term. As a consequence, it is likely that knowledge commons are complements to public goods provision, rather than substitutes. Rethinking the knowledge commons in terms of the predicaments of African intellectual communities, I contend, provides new ways of understanding the possibilities, constraints and contradictions of knowledge commons in an unequal world. This study contributes to the empirical literature on African intellectual communities. In particular, it provides critical knowledge on a scholarly community that has not only endured, but has managed to thrive in a context of profound economic and political instability. This provides an indication of the institutions, practices, and intellectual resources that are required to ensure that African knowledge systems flourish over the long-term. This study also makes a theoretical contribution to the literature on knowledge commons, which are largely theorised using examples from the global North. It shows how reconceptualising knowledge commons in terms of inequality opens up new lines of empirical investigation. Building on existing commons research, it develops a methodological framework for comparative research on southern knowledge commons, which may also be of use for investigating commons in general.
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The medical profession and the universalisation of South African Health Care: analysing the response of Eastern Cape general practitioners to the National Health Insurance proposals
- Authors: Hannah, Bridget
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Health insurance -- South Africa , Health insurance -- Government policy -- South Africa , Medical care, Cost of -- South Africa , National health insurance -- South Africa , Medical policy -- South Africa , Physicians -- South Africa -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/6075 , vital:21029
- Description: In 2011, the Green Paper on National Health Insurance (NHI) in South Africa was released, committing the South African government to a 14-year plan to radically transform the currently inequitable health system towards providing comprehensive quality health care free at point of access to all citizens. The pursuit of universal health coverage (UHC) in South Africa forms part of a global aspiration to achieve more equitable healthcare delivery. One of the critical issues emerging from the Green Paper was how the NHI would be staffed. The NHI is unlikely to be adequately staffed without GPs but evidence suggests that private sector doctors have always been resistant to nationalisation or socialisation as a threat to their occupational power and professional status. The core work of this thesis is a study undertaken of 78 doctors in the Eastern Cape, focusing on private sector general practitioners (GPs), as the largest constituency of medical professionals in the country. The interview schedule was designed to gauge doctors' responses to the NHI, encourage discussion on their reactions to the reforms, and its implications in their view for private medical practice. The responses of the doctors are analysed through application of two theoretical themes, namely: (i) actor-centred policy creation, discussed through application of Walt and Gilson's (1994) shared focus on content, context, process and actors in the policy process, and (ii) the debate on medical professionalism, espoused by Freidson (1973, 1994) and argued against by Haug and Sussman (1969), and McKinlay (1972, 1993). Thus, if the process of policy making must take into account key actors in order to deliver a successful policy transition, what are the implications if these actors are actively excluded, or do not willingly cooperate? Does this indicate anything telling about the private sector's role to play in the pursuit of universal healthcare?
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- Authors: Hannah, Bridget
- Date: 2017
- Subjects: Health insurance -- South Africa , Health insurance -- Government policy -- South Africa , Medical care, Cost of -- South Africa , National health insurance -- South Africa , Medical policy -- South Africa , Physicians -- South Africa -- Attitudes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/6075 , vital:21029
- Description: In 2011, the Green Paper on National Health Insurance (NHI) in South Africa was released, committing the South African government to a 14-year plan to radically transform the currently inequitable health system towards providing comprehensive quality health care free at point of access to all citizens. The pursuit of universal health coverage (UHC) in South Africa forms part of a global aspiration to achieve more equitable healthcare delivery. One of the critical issues emerging from the Green Paper was how the NHI would be staffed. The NHI is unlikely to be adequately staffed without GPs but evidence suggests that private sector doctors have always been resistant to nationalisation or socialisation as a threat to their occupational power and professional status. The core work of this thesis is a study undertaken of 78 doctors in the Eastern Cape, focusing on private sector general practitioners (GPs), as the largest constituency of medical professionals in the country. The interview schedule was designed to gauge doctors' responses to the NHI, encourage discussion on their reactions to the reforms, and its implications in their view for private medical practice. The responses of the doctors are analysed through application of two theoretical themes, namely: (i) actor-centred policy creation, discussed through application of Walt and Gilson's (1994) shared focus on content, context, process and actors in the policy process, and (ii) the debate on medical professionalism, espoused by Freidson (1973, 1994) and argued against by Haug and Sussman (1969), and McKinlay (1972, 1993). Thus, if the process of policy making must take into account key actors in order to deliver a successful policy transition, what are the implications if these actors are actively excluded, or do not willingly cooperate? Does this indicate anything telling about the private sector's role to play in the pursuit of universal healthcare?
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Stories from forest, river and mountain : exploring children's cultural environmental narratives and their role in the transmission of cultural connection to and protection of biodiversity
- Authors: Alexander, Jamie Kim
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Children and the environment -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Conservation of natural resources -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Citizen participation , Environmental education -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Human ecology -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Oral tradition -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Social learning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Traditional ecological knowledge -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:6061 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015267
- Description: Preservationist conservation created a legacy of national parks and protected areas that were surrounded by local people dispossessed of their land and denied the rights to use the resources they had previously relied upon. Although conservation is now shifting towards a more participatory approach, research gaps still exist in determining the meaning of 'the environment' and the role of local means of conservation in rural communities in South Africa. This study focused on children's cultural environmental narratives from two rural villages in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Children from grades 4, 7 and 10 were involved in the study, and adult family members, local experts and village elders were included in the study to allow for comparison between children's and adult's narratives and to realise what Local Ecological Knowledge (LEK) was being passed on. This thesis considers children's use of the environment for play and their sense of place as key methods in ascertaining children's environmental narratives and perceptions. At both field sites, local experts and community elders possessed a wealth of cultural environmental narratives, but these narratives were not necessarily being passed on. Changing household structures and other socio-economic factors influence cultural environmental practices, which in turn have an impact on the cultural environmental narratives being passed down. In many cases, parents' safety fears strongly impacted upon children's access to the environment, resulting in gendered environmental knowledge. The study compared differing vegetation types and degrees of environmental access. The differing environments produced similar cultural environmental narratives, leading to new understandings in community environment relationships. Children living near the state administered forest had significantly less environmental knowledge, bringing about questions of sustainable bio-cultural diversity in the future. The recognition of cultural environmental values is especially important in the rural areas of South Africa, where unemployment and increased poverty levels have led to greater dependence on natural resources for social, economic and cultural purposes. It is proposed that local cultural environmental narratives and landscape perceptions be included into community conservation and environmental education policies and programmes to provide local solutions to the problem of biodiversity conservation in local contexts.
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- Authors: Alexander, Jamie Kim
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Children and the environment -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Conservation of natural resources -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Citizen participation , Environmental education -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Human ecology -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Oral tradition -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Social learning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Traditional ecological knowledge -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:6061 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015267
- Description: Preservationist conservation created a legacy of national parks and protected areas that were surrounded by local people dispossessed of their land and denied the rights to use the resources they had previously relied upon. Although conservation is now shifting towards a more participatory approach, research gaps still exist in determining the meaning of 'the environment' and the role of local means of conservation in rural communities in South Africa. This study focused on children's cultural environmental narratives from two rural villages in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. Children from grades 4, 7 and 10 were involved in the study, and adult family members, local experts and village elders were included in the study to allow for comparison between children's and adult's narratives and to realise what Local Ecological Knowledge (LEK) was being passed on. This thesis considers children's use of the environment for play and their sense of place as key methods in ascertaining children's environmental narratives and perceptions. At both field sites, local experts and community elders possessed a wealth of cultural environmental narratives, but these narratives were not necessarily being passed on. Changing household structures and other socio-economic factors influence cultural environmental practices, which in turn have an impact on the cultural environmental narratives being passed down. In many cases, parents' safety fears strongly impacted upon children's access to the environment, resulting in gendered environmental knowledge. The study compared differing vegetation types and degrees of environmental access. The differing environments produced similar cultural environmental narratives, leading to new understandings in community environment relationships. Children living near the state administered forest had significantly less environmental knowledge, bringing about questions of sustainable bio-cultural diversity in the future. The recognition of cultural environmental values is especially important in the rural areas of South Africa, where unemployment and increased poverty levels have led to greater dependence on natural resources for social, economic and cultural purposes. It is proposed that local cultural environmental narratives and landscape perceptions be included into community conservation and environmental education policies and programmes to provide local solutions to the problem of biodiversity conservation in local contexts.
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Social policy, welfare in urban services in South Africa : a case study of free basic water, indigency and citizenship in Eastwood, Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal (2005-2007)
- Authors: Smith, Julie
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Municipal water supply -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Poor -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:6060 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015231
- Description: This is an in-depth case study of urban water services to poor households and their interactions with local state power in the community of Eastwood, Pietermaritzburg, in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, for the period 2005-2007. It draws especially on the experiences of poor women, exploring the conceptions and implications of the movement of municipal services into the realm of welfare-based urban service concessions. It interrogates what value municipal services, framed in the language and form of welfare but within a commodification milieu and in the context of shifting citizen-state relations offer the state apparatus and how such free basic service offerings are experienced by poor households at the level of domestic, social and economic functioning. The study adopts a fluid mixed-methodological approach to optimise exploration and interpretation. It argues that the interface of state service delivery and citizens is fraught with contradictions: core to this is the nature of state ' help.' Free basic water encompassed in the social wage did not improve the lives of poor households; instead it eroded original water access. Free basic water stole women's time spent on domestic activities; compromised appropriate water requirements, exacerbated service affordability problems and negatively affected household functioning. Poor households experienced the government's policy of free basic services as containment and punishment for being poor. The Indigent Policy activated the state's surveillance, disciplinary and control apparatus. In the absence of effective national regulation over municipalities and with financial shortfalls, street-level bureaucrats manipulated social policies to further municipal cost recovery goals and subjugate poor households. Social control and cheap governance were in symmetry. Citizens, desperate for relief, approached the state. Poor households were pushed into downgraded service packages or mercilessly pursued by municipally outsourced private debt collectors and disconnection companies. Municipalities competing for investments brought about by favourable credit ratings abandoned the humanity of their citizens. Such re-prioritisation of values had profound implications for governance and public trust. Citizens were jettisoned to the outskirts of municipal governance, resulting in a distinct confusion and anger towards the local state - and with it, major uncertainties regarding future stability, redistribution and equity.
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- Authors: Smith, Julie
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Municipal water supply -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Poor -- South Africa -- Pietermaritzburg , Water-supply -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:6060 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015231
- Description: This is an in-depth case study of urban water services to poor households and their interactions with local state power in the community of Eastwood, Pietermaritzburg, in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, for the period 2005-2007. It draws especially on the experiences of poor women, exploring the conceptions and implications of the movement of municipal services into the realm of welfare-based urban service concessions. It interrogates what value municipal services, framed in the language and form of welfare but within a commodification milieu and in the context of shifting citizen-state relations offer the state apparatus and how such free basic service offerings are experienced by poor households at the level of domestic, social and economic functioning. The study adopts a fluid mixed-methodological approach to optimise exploration and interpretation. It argues that the interface of state service delivery and citizens is fraught with contradictions: core to this is the nature of state ' help.' Free basic water encompassed in the social wage did not improve the lives of poor households; instead it eroded original water access. Free basic water stole women's time spent on domestic activities; compromised appropriate water requirements, exacerbated service affordability problems and negatively affected household functioning. Poor households experienced the government's policy of free basic services as containment and punishment for being poor. The Indigent Policy activated the state's surveillance, disciplinary and control apparatus. In the absence of effective national regulation over municipalities and with financial shortfalls, street-level bureaucrats manipulated social policies to further municipal cost recovery goals and subjugate poor households. Social control and cheap governance were in symmetry. Citizens, desperate for relief, approached the state. Poor households were pushed into downgraded service packages or mercilessly pursued by municipally outsourced private debt collectors and disconnection companies. Municipalities competing for investments brought about by favourable credit ratings abandoned the humanity of their citizens. Such re-prioritisation of values had profound implications for governance and public trust. Citizens were jettisoned to the outskirts of municipal governance, resulting in a distinct confusion and anger towards the local state - and with it, major uncertainties regarding future stability, redistribution and equity.
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A critical evaluation of outcomes based education from a developmental perspective in South Africa with particular reference to the Eastern Cape.
- Mdikane, Knowledge Mzwandile
- Authors: Mdikane, Knowledge Mzwandile
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Reconstruction and Development Programme (South Africa) Competency-based education -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Educational change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Curriculum change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:6057 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006663
- Description: This research study seeks to examine the impact of Outcomes-Based Education (OBE)from a developmental perspective in the Eastern Cape. Two schools were selected as research sites, one from a previously advantaged area and the other from a previously disadvantaged area. These schools were evaluated on their understanding of OBE and its relationship to development. OBE was introduced in South Africa under controversial circumstances because of the legacy of apartheid education from which we are coming. Because of that, schools in South Africa reflect the inequalities that are resulting from apartheid legislation. In 1994 the government introduced the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to eradicate all the discrepancies resulting from apartheid. On the educational sphere, OBE was the curriculum policy aimed at eradicating the legacy of apartheid education. The then Minister of Education was convinced that OBE or Curriculum 2005 would be a developmental approach to education and would take South Africa into the 21st century. Ever since its introduction, educators have encountered many problems with the implementation of OBE, especially in the previously disadvantaged areas of the Eastern Cape. The researcher used semi-structured interviews to collect data from the respondents. However, one set of questionnaires was prepared for the educators, students, parents and education government officials. Because of the qualitative nature of the questionnaire the data collected was also analyzed qualitatively. Each question was analyzed from each of the focus groups and the researcher established findings that were analyzed in relation to the literature review. The researcher then was able to reach his own conclusions on the impact that OBE has on the South African education system and recommendations on what could be done for OBE to be successfully implemented and to be developmentally effective in previously disadvantaged areas of South Africa. The recommendations propose useful interventions, which could be made by the government to assist all the stakeholders involved in education in both an understanding and better implementation of OBE in Previously Disadvantaged Areas (PDA’s). They include provision of support to stakeholders and that teachers should be taught about the relationship between OBE and reconstruction. The research study focuses mainly on OBE and its relationship to development in urban or Previously Advantaged Areas (PAA’s) of two Eastern Cape schools. It will be relevant to the Eastern Cape Education Department in its efforts to implement OBE in schools and it could be a source of knowledge to educators. The conclusion that has been reached, however, is that there is a lot of ignorance about this new system of education to both educators and parents. There is also evidence of ignorance to matters pertaining to the relationship between OBE and it’s relationship to the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). A major recommendation that is made then is that for OBE to be relevant in the South African context, it should help to improve the lives of ordinary people in South Africa, especially in Previously Disadvantaged Areas.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Mdikane, Knowledge Mzwandile
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Reconstruction and Development Programme (South Africa) Competency-based education -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Educational change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Education -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Curriculum change -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:6057 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006663
- Description: This research study seeks to examine the impact of Outcomes-Based Education (OBE)from a developmental perspective in the Eastern Cape. Two schools were selected as research sites, one from a previously advantaged area and the other from a previously disadvantaged area. These schools were evaluated on their understanding of OBE and its relationship to development. OBE was introduced in South Africa under controversial circumstances because of the legacy of apartheid education from which we are coming. Because of that, schools in South Africa reflect the inequalities that are resulting from apartheid legislation. In 1994 the government introduced the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) to eradicate all the discrepancies resulting from apartheid. On the educational sphere, OBE was the curriculum policy aimed at eradicating the legacy of apartheid education. The then Minister of Education was convinced that OBE or Curriculum 2005 would be a developmental approach to education and would take South Africa into the 21st century. Ever since its introduction, educators have encountered many problems with the implementation of OBE, especially in the previously disadvantaged areas of the Eastern Cape. The researcher used semi-structured interviews to collect data from the respondents. However, one set of questionnaires was prepared for the educators, students, parents and education government officials. Because of the qualitative nature of the questionnaire the data collected was also analyzed qualitatively. Each question was analyzed from each of the focus groups and the researcher established findings that were analyzed in relation to the literature review. The researcher then was able to reach his own conclusions on the impact that OBE has on the South African education system and recommendations on what could be done for OBE to be successfully implemented and to be developmentally effective in previously disadvantaged areas of South Africa. The recommendations propose useful interventions, which could be made by the government to assist all the stakeholders involved in education in both an understanding and better implementation of OBE in Previously Disadvantaged Areas (PDA’s). They include provision of support to stakeholders and that teachers should be taught about the relationship between OBE and reconstruction. The research study focuses mainly on OBE and its relationship to development in urban or Previously Advantaged Areas (PAA’s) of two Eastern Cape schools. It will be relevant to the Eastern Cape Education Department in its efforts to implement OBE in schools and it could be a source of knowledge to educators. The conclusion that has been reached, however, is that there is a lot of ignorance about this new system of education to both educators and parents. There is also evidence of ignorance to matters pertaining to the relationship between OBE and it’s relationship to the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP). A major recommendation that is made then is that for OBE to be relevant in the South African context, it should help to improve the lives of ordinary people in South Africa, especially in Previously Disadvantaged Areas.
- Full Text:
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