From confrontation to co-operation: new security challenges facing post-apartheid Southern Africa
- Authors: Monnakgotla, Kgomotso
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2807 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003017 , Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: Trite as it may sound, the end of the Cold War is a landmark event in the history of human-kind. As such, this thesis was motivated by some of the international and local events that have taken place since the end of the 1980s. At the international level, the end of the Cold War has encouraged the re-examination of the concept of security. In Southern Africa too, this process has been strengthened by the demise of apartheid in South Africa. Initially challenged by a few academics, the traditional conception of security which perceived the threat to 'national' security primarily in the form of external military aggression no longer enjoys the primacy it was accorded during the Cold War era. A 'new' security discourse has emerged, and even though it has not yet made inroads into many governments' policy papers, there is some realisation that people's security concerns go beyond external military aggression to the state. Proponents of this 'new' thinking make reference to people-centred or human security - the notion that people and not the state, must be the objects of security. Arising from that, they point to the existence of many phenomena which should also be accorded security status especially in developing countries where people are confronted by life-threatening challenges such as disease, poverty, famine, and other challenges which do not necessarily threaten life, but if not tackled with urgency could transform themselves into the more conventional military threats. Here reference is made to the proliferation of small arms, political instability, mass migr?tions, and so on. In a region besotted by many of the challenges mentioned above, a security conception informed by the 'new' approach seems more appropriate. The outcome of the traditional approach to security is well known to the region many millions of lives were lost and it is estimated that billions of dollars in revenue were also lost, all in the name of maintaining the security of the South African state. Seeing neighbouring states as threats to its security because they accommodated liberation movements who occasionally instigated military attacks against Pretoria, the former apartheid state through its policy of 'Total Strategy' terrorised the entire region, including the majority of citizens within South Africa. However, since the end of apartheid in 1994, the new democratically elected South African government has committed itself to help build a politically stable, more secure, economically prosperous and integrated region. Through its accession to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a body which it once tried to undermine, South Africa has further demonstrated a commitment to tackle some of the region's problems in unison with its former adversaries. Throughout the Southern African region there is a realisation that there are more long-term benefits to be gained by working together to tackle the challenges that confront almost all the countries in the region than trying to solve problems independently. Therefore through SADC, primarily a development-oriented body, Southern African states will also seek to address the region's security concerns. Many of the region's governments seem to show an understanding that security and development are intertwined - that they are two sides of the same coin whereby one cannot be attained without the other. Much as this understanding is laudable, in practice it does not seem as if it will translate to the prominence of so-called development issues or marginal security issues. Accepting the 'new' thinking on security also implies an acceptance of a wider range of security agents. It does not mean that by widening the agenda of security to include nonmilitary threats, more tasks will follow for the 'men' in uniform. What it means is that, the military establishment should no longer be the sole agent of security. Instead, where there is no military threat, resources should be channeled to other establishments such as those of health and research in order to fight the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, departments of water, environmental affairs, and so on, should be part of the security policy-making process. In addition, civil society should also be included in the policy-making process. Notwithstanding its limitations, and without undermining inter-governmental projects, civil society can at best promote security by serving as a watch-dog over policies adopted by governments. South Africa during the era of apartheid is a classic example of how governments cannot always be entrusted with the security of ordinary citizens. However, an examination of the structure and terms of reference of the newly created SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (from henceforth referred to as the Organ) reflects a preponderance of the traditional/realist approach to addressing security concerns. It was conceived by, and is primarily constituted by the traditional establishments of security, that is, the military and the police. Some of the Organ's objectives include; security and defence cooperation through conflict prevention, management and resolution and mediation of disputes and conflicts. Nowhere is it evident that others besides those from a military/police background were involved in the formation of this important body. There is also no indication as to how other dimensions of security will be attained through the Organ. All this casts doubt regarding SADC's actual commitment to a development-oriented, people-centred and people-driven security. Nonetheless, current debates on security give hope to the notion that in the future, people's overall security needs will be addressed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Monnakgotla, Kgomotso
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2807 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003017 , Economic security -- Africa, Southern , Cooperation -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic policy , Africa, Southern -- Foreign relations
- Description: Trite as it may sound, the end of the Cold War is a landmark event in the history of human-kind. As such, this thesis was motivated by some of the international and local events that have taken place since the end of the 1980s. At the international level, the end of the Cold War has encouraged the re-examination of the concept of security. In Southern Africa too, this process has been strengthened by the demise of apartheid in South Africa. Initially challenged by a few academics, the traditional conception of security which perceived the threat to 'national' security primarily in the form of external military aggression no longer enjoys the primacy it was accorded during the Cold War era. A 'new' security discourse has emerged, and even though it has not yet made inroads into many governments' policy papers, there is some realisation that people's security concerns go beyond external military aggression to the state. Proponents of this 'new' thinking make reference to people-centred or human security - the notion that people and not the state, must be the objects of security. Arising from that, they point to the existence of many phenomena which should also be accorded security status especially in developing countries where people are confronted by life-threatening challenges such as disease, poverty, famine, and other challenges which do not necessarily threaten life, but if not tackled with urgency could transform themselves into the more conventional military threats. Here reference is made to the proliferation of small arms, political instability, mass migr?tions, and so on. In a region besotted by many of the challenges mentioned above, a security conception informed by the 'new' approach seems more appropriate. The outcome of the traditional approach to security is well known to the region many millions of lives were lost and it is estimated that billions of dollars in revenue were also lost, all in the name of maintaining the security of the South African state. Seeing neighbouring states as threats to its security because they accommodated liberation movements who occasionally instigated military attacks against Pretoria, the former apartheid state through its policy of 'Total Strategy' terrorised the entire region, including the majority of citizens within South Africa. However, since the end of apartheid in 1994, the new democratically elected South African government has committed itself to help build a politically stable, more secure, economically prosperous and integrated region. Through its accession to the Southern African Development Community (SADC), a body which it once tried to undermine, South Africa has further demonstrated a commitment to tackle some of the region's problems in unison with its former adversaries. Throughout the Southern African region there is a realisation that there are more long-term benefits to be gained by working together to tackle the challenges that confront almost all the countries in the region than trying to solve problems independently. Therefore through SADC, primarily a development-oriented body, Southern African states will also seek to address the region's security concerns. Many of the region's governments seem to show an understanding that security and development are intertwined - that they are two sides of the same coin whereby one cannot be attained without the other. Much as this understanding is laudable, in practice it does not seem as if it will translate to the prominence of so-called development issues or marginal security issues. Accepting the 'new' thinking on security also implies an acceptance of a wider range of security agents. It does not mean that by widening the agenda of security to include nonmilitary threats, more tasks will follow for the 'men' in uniform. What it means is that, the military establishment should no longer be the sole agent of security. Instead, where there is no military threat, resources should be channeled to other establishments such as those of health and research in order to fight the spread of AIDS. Furthermore, departments of water, environmental affairs, and so on, should be part of the security policy-making process. In addition, civil society should also be included in the policy-making process. Notwithstanding its limitations, and without undermining inter-governmental projects, civil society can at best promote security by serving as a watch-dog over policies adopted by governments. South Africa during the era of apartheid is a classic example of how governments cannot always be entrusted with the security of ordinary citizens. However, an examination of the structure and terms of reference of the newly created SADC Organ for Politics, Defence and Security (from henceforth referred to as the Organ) reflects a preponderance of the traditional/realist approach to addressing security concerns. It was conceived by, and is primarily constituted by the traditional establishments of security, that is, the military and the police. Some of the Organ's objectives include; security and defence cooperation through conflict prevention, management and resolution and mediation of disputes and conflicts. Nowhere is it evident that others besides those from a military/police background were involved in the formation of this important body. There is also no indication as to how other dimensions of security will be attained through the Organ. All this casts doubt regarding SADC's actual commitment to a development-oriented, people-centred and people-driven security. Nonetheless, current debates on security give hope to the notion that in the future, people's overall security needs will be addressed.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
How green is our future? Thor Chemicals: a case study in South African environmental policy
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Human rights: an investigation into the importance of second generation rights
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
New rules for security and survival: Southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment
- Authors: Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2814 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024 , Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Naidoo, Sagaren Krishna
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2814 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003024 , Internal security -- South Africa , National security -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: In the wake of the post-Cold War era, students of international relations were forced to review their theoretical frameworks to explain new rules for international peace and security. States are now confronted with new constraints for their security and survival as current trends in international politics depict a 'regionalisation' of peace and security. For southern Africa, likewise, the end of the Cold War and, moreover, apartheid, compels its member states to redefine their security strategies and mechanisms for survival. This thesis undertakes to examine southern Africa's adaptation to new rules of a changing world environment, to ensure a stable and secure region, into the next millennium. At the outset of this thesis lies a conceptual contextualisation of security within the major contemporary theoretical approaches of international relations. By examining the essential differences between the redefinitions and new conceptualisations of security, this thesis, firstly argues that the state in southern Africa must be retained as a primary referent of security. This argument is premised on the need to create stronger states for a 'regionalisation' of security in southern Africa. The second issue examined is the changing world environment and its impact on the state and development in Africa, as the new constraints to which the continent must adapt, for security and survival. Arguing that the new international economic order and 'globalisation' dictate the new rules, this chapter asserts that the 'weak' states in Africa need to be strengthened to have the necessary capacity to be the means for its people's security. Finally this thesis examines the new rules for southern Africa's adaptation to a changing world environment. The new rules for the African sub-continent involve the formation of a security regime and economic community with, the power-house, South Africa. Using the Southern African Development Community(SADC) as the umbrella body, the formation of the Organ for Politics, Defence and Security, and signing of trade protocols for a movement towards a free trade area, are evidence of southern Africa's attempts to adapt to new rules for its security. Such adaptation cannot, however, be accomplished with 'weak' states. Southern African states will have to, therefore, be strengthened to attain a more secure adaptation to the new international (economic) order.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
The politics of peacekeeping in Southern Africa: a critical assessment of South Africa's engagement in regional peacekeeping initiatives
- Khobotlo, Shadrack Motlalepula
- Authors: Khobotlo, Shadrack Motlalepula
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2787 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002997 , Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Description: International peacekeeping has gained a high profile in international relations and more so, in the post cold war era. The profound increase in the occurrence of civil wars globally and the consequent high demand for the UN to intervene has compelled the world body to delegate its peacekeeping powers to regional organisations. SADC is one of many regional organisations around the world which are faced with the challenge of developing peacekeeping capacities to resolve local conflicts. This thesis endeavours to investigate the prospects of peacekeeping in Southern Africa with specific reference to the involvement of South Africa as a regional power with the wherewithal to play a leadership role in this regard. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the Realist school of thought in international relations. Furthermore, the concept of national interest as defined by Realism will be utilised to explain why countries in Southern Africa in general and South Africa in particular become involved in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The issue of whether the Republic should be involved and how much it should be involved has provoked an intense debate within the country. This debate will therefore be instructive in understanding the dynamics that influence the country's foreign policy behaviour towards the region in relation to playing a leadership role in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The central issue implicit in the debate is the fact that most of the SADC member states that are expected to contribute towards these initiatives have weak economies. This economic weakness in turn leads to the thorny issue of having to seek foreign assistance from western countries from which the region is trying to gain greater independence. This presents the region with a paradox because foreign assistance has serious implications for the SADC countries' sovereignty. It is in this context therefore, that this thesis examines economic development in individual SADC countries and in the region as a whole to establish whether they are in a position to develop a sustainable regional peacekeeping capacity. The contention of the thesis is that economic development is closely related to peacekeeping because without a sound economic base Southern Africa or any other region for that matter, will not be able to develop a viable peacekeeping capacity. On the other hand, keeping the peace in the region is itself important for economic development because it is only in a peaceful environment that economic development can take root.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Khobotlo, Shadrack Motlalepula
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2787 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002997 , Conflict management -- Africa, Southern , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government
- Description: International peacekeeping has gained a high profile in international relations and more so, in the post cold war era. The profound increase in the occurrence of civil wars globally and the consequent high demand for the UN to intervene has compelled the world body to delegate its peacekeeping powers to regional organisations. SADC is one of many regional organisations around the world which are faced with the challenge of developing peacekeeping capacities to resolve local conflicts. This thesis endeavours to investigate the prospects of peacekeeping in Southern Africa with specific reference to the involvement of South Africa as a regional power with the wherewithal to play a leadership role in this regard. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the Realist school of thought in international relations. Furthermore, the concept of national interest as defined by Realism will be utilised to explain why countries in Southern Africa in general and South Africa in particular become involved in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The issue of whether the Republic should be involved and how much it should be involved has provoked an intense debate within the country. This debate will therefore be instructive in understanding the dynamics that influence the country's foreign policy behaviour towards the region in relation to playing a leadership role in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The central issue implicit in the debate is the fact that most of the SADC member states that are expected to contribute towards these initiatives have weak economies. This economic weakness in turn leads to the thorny issue of having to seek foreign assistance from western countries from which the region is trying to gain greater independence. This presents the region with a paradox because foreign assistance has serious implications for the SADC countries' sovereignty. It is in this context therefore, that this thesis examines economic development in individual SADC countries and in the region as a whole to establish whether they are in a position to develop a sustainable regional peacekeeping capacity. The contention of the thesis is that economic development is closely related to peacekeeping because without a sound economic base Southern Africa or any other region for that matter, will not be able to develop a viable peacekeeping capacity. On the other hand, keeping the peace in the region is itself important for economic development because it is only in a peaceful environment that economic development can take root.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
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