Promotion of liberal values in South African foreign policy : beyond the structural imperatives of the international system?
- Authors: Mkalipi, Zanethemba
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2865 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007662 , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Mkalipi, Zanethemba
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:2865 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007662 , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Reconciling Western and African philosophy : rationality, culture and communitarianism
- Authors: Vitsha, Xolisa
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2838 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003807 , Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Description: This thesis attempts to reconcile Western and African philosophy with specific reference to the issues of rationality, culture and communitarianism. It also discusses the post-Enlightenment, Western philosophical concept of liberal "atomism" and the primacy of the individual and the emergence of a communitarian critique in response. This thesis intends exploring how Western notions of individuality and the communitarian response can be reconciled with contemporary African philosophy and African communitarian thought in particular. To do this, it is necessary to explore the problem of liberal individualism and how African communitarianism might reinforce the Western communitarian critique. African communitarianism has a processual understanding of personhood that underpins its conception of the Self. In contrast to this view, Western communitarianism has a relational conception of the individual Self. Thus, this thesis argues that African communitarianism has a more profound understanding of the constitution of the Self. To demonstrate these claims, this study discusses notions of rationality which inform each of the philosophical traditions. This will enable a comparative analysis of the above-mentioned philosophical traditions with the intention of uncovering the concepts that provide the platform for their reconciliation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Vitsha, Xolisa
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2838 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003807 , Philosophy, African , Africa -- Intellectual life , Philosophy, Comparative , Philosophy , Communitarianism , Self
- Description: This thesis attempts to reconcile Western and African philosophy with specific reference to the issues of rationality, culture and communitarianism. It also discusses the post-Enlightenment, Western philosophical concept of liberal "atomism" and the primacy of the individual and the emergence of a communitarian critique in response. This thesis intends exploring how Western notions of individuality and the communitarian response can be reconciled with contemporary African philosophy and African communitarian thought in particular. To do this, it is necessary to explore the problem of liberal individualism and how African communitarianism might reinforce the Western communitarian critique. African communitarianism has a processual understanding of personhood that underpins its conception of the Self. In contrast to this view, Western communitarianism has a relational conception of the individual Self. Thus, this thesis argues that African communitarianism has a more profound understanding of the constitution of the Self. To demonstrate these claims, this study discusses notions of rationality which inform each of the philosophical traditions. This will enable a comparative analysis of the above-mentioned philosophical traditions with the intention of uncovering the concepts that provide the platform for their reconciliation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Restoring democratic governance in Zimbabwe: a critical investigation of the internet as a possible means of creating new sites of struggle for positive democratic change by Zimbabwean media and activists in Zimbabwe
- Authors: Vennard, Francisca Caroline
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Internet in publicity , Press and politics -- Zimbabwe , Freedom of the press -- Zimbabwe , Digital media
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2837 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003047 , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Internet in publicity , Press and politics -- Zimbabwe , Freedom of the press -- Zimbabwe , Digital media
- Description: This thesis is a reaction to the state of utter lawlessness and the abuse of human rights by those in power in Zimbabwe over the past two years and it investigates the possibility of restoring democratic governance in that country by increasing the freedom of expression and media freedom, which is considered to be one of the most valuable elements in advancing democratization. Its aim is to establish the Internet as the best means possible to increasing media freedom and creating new ‘sites of struggle’ for activists in a context where the substantive freedom of expression does not exist. This in turn is shown to advance levels of democracy. To this end, the value of the freedom of expression to media freedom and the value of the latter to increasing levels of democracy is developed and the lack of democracy in Zimbabwe at all levels of society is considered. The Internet is seen to increase the freedoms of speech and association in new and interesting ways and it is discussed in various examples in which it has already been instrumental in evading the censorship of the media and increasing the ability of activists to express themselves freely and to organize more efficiently. Finally, the resources that Internet technology makes available to African journalists and activists are considered along with lessons gleaned from international examples of successful Internet use and it is shown to already be of use to Zimbabwean journalists and activists as they create to new cyberspaces in which they can struggle for positive democratic change in Zimbabwe. The Internet is also shown to have tremendous potential for future use in that country.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Vennard, Francisca Caroline
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Internet in publicity , Press and politics -- Zimbabwe , Freedom of the press -- Zimbabwe , Digital media
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2837 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003047 , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Internet in publicity , Press and politics -- Zimbabwe , Freedom of the press -- Zimbabwe , Digital media
- Description: This thesis is a reaction to the state of utter lawlessness and the abuse of human rights by those in power in Zimbabwe over the past two years and it investigates the possibility of restoring democratic governance in that country by increasing the freedom of expression and media freedom, which is considered to be one of the most valuable elements in advancing democratization. Its aim is to establish the Internet as the best means possible to increasing media freedom and creating new ‘sites of struggle’ for activists in a context where the substantive freedom of expression does not exist. This in turn is shown to advance levels of democracy. To this end, the value of the freedom of expression to media freedom and the value of the latter to increasing levels of democracy is developed and the lack of democracy in Zimbabwe at all levels of society is considered. The Internet is seen to increase the freedoms of speech and association in new and interesting ways and it is discussed in various examples in which it has already been instrumental in evading the censorship of the media and increasing the ability of activists to express themselves freely and to organize more efficiently. Finally, the resources that Internet technology makes available to African journalists and activists are considered along with lessons gleaned from international examples of successful Internet use and it is shown to already be of use to Zimbabwean journalists and activists as they create to new cyberspaces in which they can struggle for positive democratic change in Zimbabwe. The Internet is also shown to have tremendous potential for future use in that country.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
The evolution of a security community through a process of integration: problems and prospects for the SADC region
- Authors: Šebek, Vita
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community , National security -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2831 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003041
- Description: This thesis examines the security problematic of African states and focuses more particularly on the SADC region. It links the security problematic with the transactionalist approach to (supra)national integration and the concept of a security community, introduced into internatIonal relations theory by Karl Deutsch and his colleagues. In relation to the (in)security of SADC member states, the thesis attempts to demonstrate that national integration of these states (i.e. the establishment of an amalgamated security community) has at least to accompany if not precede the establishment of a security community at the regional level (i.e. a pluralistic security community). Since threats to the security of SADC member states are mainly nonmilitary in nature, the 'realist' concept of security is broadened to include political, economic, societal and environmental aspects of security at different levels. Furthermore, Deutsch's concept of a security community is redefined in line with the 'new security thinking' and adapted to the situation in African states. Moreover, this thesis attempts to demonstrate that it is essential for SADC member states to become strong and socio-economically cohesive in order to improve their competitiveness in relation to developed states, especially in their ability to deal with internal and ransnational/regional threats to their security, which are (in)directly caused and perpetuated by the lack of national integration, inefficient state-making and underdevelopment - the sources of their weakness.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Šebek, Vita
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community , National security -- Africa, Southern , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2831 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003041
- Description: This thesis examines the security problematic of African states and focuses more particularly on the SADC region. It links the security problematic with the transactionalist approach to (supra)national integration and the concept of a security community, introduced into internatIonal relations theory by Karl Deutsch and his colleagues. In relation to the (in)security of SADC member states, the thesis attempts to demonstrate that national integration of these states (i.e. the establishment of an amalgamated security community) has at least to accompany if not precede the establishment of a security community at the regional level (i.e. a pluralistic security community). Since threats to the security of SADC member states are mainly nonmilitary in nature, the 'realist' concept of security is broadened to include political, economic, societal and environmental aspects of security at different levels. Furthermore, Deutsch's concept of a security community is redefined in line with the 'new security thinking' and adapted to the situation in African states. Moreover, this thesis attempts to demonstrate that it is essential for SADC member states to become strong and socio-economically cohesive in order to improve their competitiveness in relation to developed states, especially in their ability to deal with internal and ransnational/regional threats to their security, which are (in)directly caused and perpetuated by the lack of national integration, inefficient state-making and underdevelopment - the sources of their weakness.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Traditional leaders in post-1996 South Africa, with particular reference to the Eastern Cape
- De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Voluntary associations as schools for democracy? : a case study of the Sibanye Development Project
- Authors: Siwahla, Lindiwe Lillian
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Sibanye Development Project , Non-governmental organizations , Political participation , Non-governmental organizations--South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2842 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004778 , Sibanye Development Project , Non-governmental organizations , Political participation , Non-governmental organizations--South Africa
- Description: This is an empirical study of a voluntary association with a view to interrogate the theories of civil society and participation and their practice. These theories came to dominate debate on African politics and democratisation following disappointment with structural approaches to development and democracy. Disenchantment with the state whose role was emphasised by the structural approach led analysts and technocrats to turn their attention to human agency; hence the salience of the idea of popular participation in the public domain, and preoccupation with the idea of strengthening civil society. This trend gained momentum after the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall and demise of the communist block, and was accompanied by anti-statist sentiments on a global scale. Civil society organisations are seen as schools for democracy and agents of democratic consolidation, and are accordingly expected to perform two major tasks, namely instilling and disseminating a democratic political culture in and among participants and society at large, and promoting good governance. The aim therefore is to take advantage of the supposed intrinsic and utilitarian benefits of participation. As evident in a number of policy documents and legislation, the incumbent South African government embraces the idea of participatory democracy. However, not all analysts share this confidence in the capacity of civil society to perform these tasks. For some analysts public participation does not always have positive intrinsic benefits. Public participation may instead lead to a corrupted political culture deriving from the participants' attempts to survive in a public sphere characterised by manipulation and subtle political control, and it is civil society organisations lacking in organisational strength that are particularly vulnerable. The study revealed that unity between practice and theories of participation and civil society is a complex matter fraught with a number of ambiguities and contradictions. It revealed that though participation in the voluntary association in question does have educative benefits, those benefits do not extend to all the participants. In addition, the quality of that education is contingent upon a number of factors, some internal, others external. The internal and external factors reinforce one another. The internal factors pertain to the organisational dynamics of the voluntary association itself, and the external factors to the nature of the relationship between the voluntary association concerned and public authorities and other civil society organisations. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Siwahla, Lindiwe Lillian
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Sibanye Development Project , Non-governmental organizations , Political participation , Non-governmental organizations--South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2842 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004778 , Sibanye Development Project , Non-governmental organizations , Political participation , Non-governmental organizations--South Africa
- Description: This is an empirical study of a voluntary association with a view to interrogate the theories of civil society and participation and their practice. These theories came to dominate debate on African politics and democratisation following disappointment with structural approaches to development and democracy. Disenchantment with the state whose role was emphasised by the structural approach led analysts and technocrats to turn their attention to human agency; hence the salience of the idea of popular participation in the public domain, and preoccupation with the idea of strengthening civil society. This trend gained momentum after the 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall and demise of the communist block, and was accompanied by anti-statist sentiments on a global scale. Civil society organisations are seen as schools for democracy and agents of democratic consolidation, and are accordingly expected to perform two major tasks, namely instilling and disseminating a democratic political culture in and among participants and society at large, and promoting good governance. The aim therefore is to take advantage of the supposed intrinsic and utilitarian benefits of participation. As evident in a number of policy documents and legislation, the incumbent South African government embraces the idea of participatory democracy. However, not all analysts share this confidence in the capacity of civil society to perform these tasks. For some analysts public participation does not always have positive intrinsic benefits. Public participation may instead lead to a corrupted political culture deriving from the participants' attempts to survive in a public sphere characterised by manipulation and subtle political control, and it is civil society organisations lacking in organisational strength that are particularly vulnerable. The study revealed that unity between practice and theories of participation and civil society is a complex matter fraught with a number of ambiguities and contradictions. It revealed that though participation in the voluntary association in question does have educative benefits, those benefits do not extend to all the participants. In addition, the quality of that education is contingent upon a number of factors, some internal, others external. The internal and external factors reinforce one another. The internal factors pertain to the organisational dynamics of the voluntary association itself, and the external factors to the nature of the relationship between the voluntary association concerned and public authorities and other civil society organisations. , KMBT_363 , Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
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