The significance of trade policy in promoting the international competitiveness of South African industry
- Authors: Hofmeyr, Lynne Mary
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2781 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002991 , South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Description: This study proposes to examme the significance of trade policy in promoting the international competitiveness of South African industry during the period from the early 1970s up until the present day. By providing a background of South Africa's past trade policies, it is argued that the origins of South Africa's low levels of competitiveness essentially lie in the apartheid years where trade policies were not linked to the attainment of international competitiveness and improved productivity. The study then reviews the development of South Africa's trade policies in the 1990s. In so doing, it reveals weaknesses in the areas of implementation which are critiqued in greater detail by using the clothing and textile industries as a case study, and other selected examples. The study finally concludes that trade policy is crucial to global competitiveness and that it is the responsibility of all parties concerned to ensure that trade policies enhance and not inhibit competitiveness.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Hofmeyr, Lynne Mary
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2781 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002991 , South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Description: This study proposes to examme the significance of trade policy in promoting the international competitiveness of South African industry during the period from the early 1970s up until the present day. By providing a background of South Africa's past trade policies, it is argued that the origins of South Africa's low levels of competitiveness essentially lie in the apartheid years where trade policies were not linked to the attainment of international competitiveness and improved productivity. The study then reviews the development of South Africa's trade policies in the 1990s. In so doing, it reveals weaknesses in the areas of implementation which are critiqued in greater detail by using the clothing and textile industries as a case study, and other selected examples. The study finally concludes that trade policy is crucial to global competitiveness and that it is the responsibility of all parties concerned to ensure that trade policies enhance and not inhibit competitiveness.
- Full Text:
Foreign labour migration to South Africa after apartheid: continuity or change?
- Authors: Myataza, Lutando Samuel
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2813 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003023 , Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Description: Migrant labour constitutes one of the perennial problems of the political economy of the Southern African region. The movement of people between their home countries and the gold mines in South Africa is over a hundred years old. In this sense, labour migrancy predates apartheid, and is now threatening to outlive it. Migrants working in South Africa make up a sizable proportion of the total wage earning population of the neighbouring countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Malawi). Their entrenched dependence on migrant-based revenue has made them vulnerable to fluctuations in labour flows to the gold mines (Davies, 1992) The developments since the first quarter of 1988 have altered the terms of debate on migrant labour. With the independence of Namibia and the establishment of a new government in South Africa, to name but a few, the pattern of future regional cooperation has become a central issue. Likewise, the debate about labour migrancy has entered a new phase. Given the current political changes, and yet to take place, this study constitutes a modest attempt to contribute to the debate by examining the prospects of restructuring of labour migrancy to the gold mining industry. The central aim of this undertaking will be to establish what the future holds for the foreign component of the labour force. The focus here will be on the emerging debates in this area, policy pronouncements by major stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines and the new Government of National Unity. However, an informed forecast on the future of labour migrancy is possible only if we establish the conditions that created it in the first place; how it has been constructed overtime; and the successive moments of transformation in the system. In this regard, this study will locate the origins and development of labour migration in its proper historical context ~ before drawing conclusions about the future of the system. In this scholarly pursuit one does not pretend to break a new ground but rather to re-interpret the current literature on migration and establish whether the current pattern of labour migration will change. The research will be based mainly on secondary materials, drawing extensively on published materials, journals and articles.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Myataza, Lutando Samuel
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2813 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003023 , Foreign workers -- South Africa , Black people -- Employment -- South Africa
- Description: Migrant labour constitutes one of the perennial problems of the political economy of the Southern African region. The movement of people between their home countries and the gold mines in South Africa is over a hundred years old. In this sense, labour migrancy predates apartheid, and is now threatening to outlive it. Migrants working in South Africa make up a sizable proportion of the total wage earning population of the neighbouring countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Mozambique and Malawi). Their entrenched dependence on migrant-based revenue has made them vulnerable to fluctuations in labour flows to the gold mines (Davies, 1992) The developments since the first quarter of 1988 have altered the terms of debate on migrant labour. With the independence of Namibia and the establishment of a new government in South Africa, to name but a few, the pattern of future regional cooperation has become a central issue. Likewise, the debate about labour migrancy has entered a new phase. Given the current political changes, and yet to take place, this study constitutes a modest attempt to contribute to the debate by examining the prospects of restructuring of labour migrancy to the gold mining industry. The central aim of this undertaking will be to establish what the future holds for the foreign component of the labour force. The focus here will be on the emerging debates in this area, policy pronouncements by major stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines and the new Government of National Unity. However, an informed forecast on the future of labour migrancy is possible only if we establish the conditions that created it in the first place; how it has been constructed overtime; and the successive moments of transformation in the system. In this regard, this study will locate the origins and development of labour migration in its proper historical context ~ before drawing conclusions about the future of the system. In this scholarly pursuit one does not pretend to break a new ground but rather to re-interpret the current literature on migration and establish whether the current pattern of labour migration will change. The research will be based mainly on secondary materials, drawing extensively on published materials, journals and articles.
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Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
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The external dimension in the transformation of Afrikaner Nationalism
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
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The foreign policy orientation and national role conceptions of a post-apartheid South Africa: options and scenarios
- Authors: Landsberg, Chris
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2793 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003003 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis should essentially be considered as an exposition of the foreign policy of a "new", apartheid-free South Africa in a post-Cold War international arena, arguing for a pro-active and prudent foreign policy. An important goal of the study is to make as dispassionate and rational as possible a contribution to the debate on South Africa's future foreign policy, national roles and external relations. A further aim of the study shall be to deduce relevant results of perpetual and viable foreign policy orientations and national role models within the framework of policy alternatives to South Africa's decision-makers in the future.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Landsberg, Chris
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2793 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003003 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa
- Description: This thesis should essentially be considered as an exposition of the foreign policy of a "new", apartheid-free South Africa in a post-Cold War international arena, arguing for a pro-active and prudent foreign policy. An important goal of the study is to make as dispassionate and rational as possible a contribution to the debate on South Africa's future foreign policy, national roles and external relations. A further aim of the study shall be to deduce relevant results of perpetual and viable foreign policy orientations and national role models within the framework of policy alternatives to South Africa's decision-makers in the future.
- Full Text:
South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy : towards a diplomacy of trade
- Authors: Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2774 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984 , Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2774 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984 , Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
- Full Text:
The impact of structural adjustment programmes upon the political economy of Zambia: a critical analysis
- Authors: Makan, Amita
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2800 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003010 , Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Description: This study begins with a statistical survey setting out the parameters of Zambia's socio-economic decline in the 1980s. In order to unravel the complex reasons for the crisis, the study develops and employs an historical structural framework which emphasises the interconnectedness of historical, political, economic and social processes . Thereafter, an explanation of Zambia's political and economic development is presented as a background for understanding how and why the IMF came to play an increasingly decisive role in the management of the economic crisis in the 1980s. It is argued that patron-client politics in conjunction with a 'coincidence of interests' between local elite and international capital, entrenched the distorted mono-export dependent economy which, in turn, accelerated the economic decline and debt crisis of the 1980s. After presenting an overview of the Fund's philosophy and objectives, close attention is paid to the impact of SAPs on Zambia, especially in terms of how such policies as subsidy withdrawal, de-regulation and devaluation affected the economy, debt-reduction, health and education. While there is no incontrovertible evidence that adjustment policies caused the crisis, they have been largely ineffective in reversing Zambia's economic decline. In fact, due to the IMF's ahistorical and apolitical approach, any gains have been ephemeral and, in many instances, served to exacerbate the suffering of the population. Finally, Zambia's political structures have proved unable and unwilling to implement IMF reforms consistently and this underlies the central point that SAPs, as a strategy, cannot ensure long-term sustainable development.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Makan, Amita
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2800 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003010 , Structural adjustment (Economic policy) -- Zambia , Zambia -- Economic conditions -- 1964- , Zambia -- Politics and government -- 1964-1991 , Zambia -- Economic conditions
- Description: This study begins with a statistical survey setting out the parameters of Zambia's socio-economic decline in the 1980s. In order to unravel the complex reasons for the crisis, the study develops and employs an historical structural framework which emphasises the interconnectedness of historical, political, economic and social processes . Thereafter, an explanation of Zambia's political and economic development is presented as a background for understanding how and why the IMF came to play an increasingly decisive role in the management of the economic crisis in the 1980s. It is argued that patron-client politics in conjunction with a 'coincidence of interests' between local elite and international capital, entrenched the distorted mono-export dependent economy which, in turn, accelerated the economic decline and debt crisis of the 1980s. After presenting an overview of the Fund's philosophy and objectives, close attention is paid to the impact of SAPs on Zambia, especially in terms of how such policies as subsidy withdrawal, de-regulation and devaluation affected the economy, debt-reduction, health and education. While there is no incontrovertible evidence that adjustment policies caused the crisis, they have been largely ineffective in reversing Zambia's economic decline. In fact, due to the IMF's ahistorical and apolitical approach, any gains have been ephemeral and, in many instances, served to exacerbate the suffering of the population. Finally, Zambia's political structures have proved unable and unwilling to implement IMF reforms consistently and this underlies the central point that SAPs, as a strategy, cannot ensure long-term sustainable development.
- Full Text:
The impact of the end of the Cold War on transition in South Africa
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions
- Authors: Harning, Jeannie
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2779 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989 , Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Harning, Jeannie
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2779 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989 , Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
- Full Text:
The political economy of educational provision in "white" commercial farming areas: findings from a case study conducted in the Ugie district in the north eastern Cape
- Authors: Stretton, Natasha Anne
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2833 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003043 , Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Description: The under-provision of education for black South Africans has reached crisis proportions. While the education for black people in general is discriminatory and unequal, black rural people suffer further deprivations as there is a serious imbalance in the allocation of resources and the provision of education between urban and rural areas. Black education in the rural areas has been historically neglected for political and socio-economic reasons and, as a consequence, rural blacks have limited or no access to education. The purpose of this' study is to examine an aspect of rural education; viz: black farm schools in the 'white' commercial farming areas. It is argued that the provision of farm schools is intricately linked to the labour requirements of farmers and consequently farm schools cannot be understood independently from the social relations within commercial farming areas. The impact of local decision-making on the process of farm schooling is also significant and is an important aspect of this study. This thesis explores the political and socio-economic processes that have structured the provision of education within a small farming community, looking specifically at the effects of particular interest groups on the provision of black farm schools. The study operates on three levels. The first level provides a theoretical framework within which rural education can be better understood. It is argued that the bias towards urban areas is reflected in the current theoretical debates on the role and function of education ·in South Africa. As these theories are generally incapable of explaining rural education, an alternative model is proposed. As education cannot be understood in isolation from the rest of society, the second level of the study locates farm schooling within the broader political and socio-economic systems. This is done from two perspectives. The first perspective focuses on black education in general, tracing aspects of its development and highlighting the impact .of economic interests, white political control and black resistances to this development. The neglect of rural education is also contextualised historically and politically. The second perspective looks at rural education at a macro-level. The historical origins of the farm schools system and the effects of the relationship between agricultural capital and the state, and between farmers and farm workers on the process of farm schooling is examined. The final level of the study focuses on the micro-situation and provides an in-depth analysis of the political and socio-economic dynamics which have impacted upon the provision and process of farm schools within a specific farming community. In an attempt to understand the types of issues effecting farm schooling in this area, the attitudes of farmers, farm workers, farm- children and farm school teachers towards education are investigated. Four main issues were identified and are discussed in depth, viz: I) factors effecting the provision of black farm schools; 2) the relationship between education and the economic structure of the area; 3) the value of education; and 4) socio-economic factors effecting education in the area.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Stretton, Natasha Anne
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2833 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003043 , Rural schools -- South Africa -- Northeastern Cape Province -- Ugie District , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Ugie District , Black people -- Education -- South Africa Case studies , Education, Rural -- South Africa -- Case studies
- Description: The under-provision of education for black South Africans has reached crisis proportions. While the education for black people in general is discriminatory and unequal, black rural people suffer further deprivations as there is a serious imbalance in the allocation of resources and the provision of education between urban and rural areas. Black education in the rural areas has been historically neglected for political and socio-economic reasons and, as a consequence, rural blacks have limited or no access to education. The purpose of this' study is to examine an aspect of rural education; viz: black farm schools in the 'white' commercial farming areas. It is argued that the provision of farm schools is intricately linked to the labour requirements of farmers and consequently farm schools cannot be understood independently from the social relations within commercial farming areas. The impact of local decision-making on the process of farm schooling is also significant and is an important aspect of this study. This thesis explores the political and socio-economic processes that have structured the provision of education within a small farming community, looking specifically at the effects of particular interest groups on the provision of black farm schools. The study operates on three levels. The first level provides a theoretical framework within which rural education can be better understood. It is argued that the bias towards urban areas is reflected in the current theoretical debates on the role and function of education ·in South Africa. As these theories are generally incapable of explaining rural education, an alternative model is proposed. As education cannot be understood in isolation from the rest of society, the second level of the study locates farm schooling within the broader political and socio-economic systems. This is done from two perspectives. The first perspective focuses on black education in general, tracing aspects of its development and highlighting the impact .of economic interests, white political control and black resistances to this development. The neglect of rural education is also contextualised historically and politically. The second perspective looks at rural education at a macro-level. The historical origins of the farm schools system and the effects of the relationship between agricultural capital and the state, and between farmers and farm workers on the process of farm schooling is examined. The final level of the study focuses on the micro-situation and provides an in-depth analysis of the political and socio-economic dynamics which have impacted upon the provision and process of farm schools within a specific farming community. In an attempt to understand the types of issues effecting farm schooling in this area, the attitudes of farmers, farm workers, farm- children and farm school teachers towards education are investigated. Four main issues were identified and are discussed in depth, viz: I) factors effecting the provision of black farm schools; 2) the relationship between education and the economic structure of the area; 3) the value of education; and 4) socio-economic factors effecting education in the area.
- Full Text:
The role of the international community in the South African transition: a critical review
- Authors: Dormehl, Andries Christian
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2772 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982 , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Description: There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Dormehl, Andries Christian
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2772 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982 , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Description: There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
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"Constructive critic" or "donor agency": does the World Bank have a role to play in sub-Saharan Africa's development beyond that of providing economic aid?
- Authors: Thompson, Christine Audra
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2835 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003045 , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Description: This thesis attempts to evaluate the role of the World Bank in Sub-Saharan Africa's development. It argues that the World Bank has stepped beyond the boundaries of a typical lending institution by linking its aid to political reform. The study argues that in this capacity the Bank has contributed to the halting democratization process currently underway in Africa. The economic effects of the World Bank's Structural Adjustment Programmes have been less successful. As yet, the programmes have not produced the expected results and there is no evidence of long-term, sustainable economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. These programmes are, however, long-term strategies and it may therefore be too premature to reach a final conclusion. They may also have been affected negatively by unfavourable political environments. This study, noting the negative effects of the international terms of trade and prices for African exports, concludes that although economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa will be facilitated by domestic political and economic policy reform, there is also a need for reform of the international economic order. The World Bank has correctly identified the need for domestic improvement, but it has a tendency to disregard the negative consequences of the existing structure of the international economy.
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- Authors: Thompson, Christine Audra
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2835 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003045 , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions -- 20th century , World Bank -- Africa, Sub-Saharan , Africa, Sub-Saharan -- Economic conditions
- Description: This thesis attempts to evaluate the role of the World Bank in Sub-Saharan Africa's development. It argues that the World Bank has stepped beyond the boundaries of a typical lending institution by linking its aid to political reform. The study argues that in this capacity the Bank has contributed to the halting democratization process currently underway in Africa. The economic effects of the World Bank's Structural Adjustment Programmes have been less successful. As yet, the programmes have not produced the expected results and there is no evidence of long-term, sustainable economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa. These programmes are, however, long-term strategies and it may therefore be too premature to reach a final conclusion. They may also have been affected negatively by unfavourable political environments. This study, noting the negative effects of the international terms of trade and prices for African exports, concludes that although economic recovery in Sub-Saharan Africa will be facilitated by domestic political and economic policy reform, there is also a need for reform of the international economic order. The World Bank has correctly identified the need for domestic improvement, but it has a tendency to disregard the negative consequences of the existing structure of the international economy.
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Namibia's long road to independence : the Botha era
- Authors: Ruiters, Michele René
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: United Nations -- Namibia , Namibia -- History -- 1946-1990 , Namibia -- Politics and government -- 1946-1990
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2754 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001
- Description: This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
- Full Text:
- Authors: Ruiters, Michele René
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: United Nations -- Namibia , Namibia -- History -- 1946-1990 , Namibia -- Politics and government -- 1946-1990
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2754 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002001
- Description: This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime
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Reform and democracy in Mozambique, 1983-1991
- Authors: Morgan, Glenda Nadine
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2809 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019 , Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Description: Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Morgan, Glenda Nadine
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2809 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003019 , Mozambique -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994 , Mozambique -- Economic conditions -- 1975-
- Description: Africa is currently experiencing a movement toward more democratic systems of government. The causes of such changes are numerous, but the literature on African democratization, like that on similar changes elsewhere in the world, places emphasis on the role of internal or domestic factors. The role of international pressures toward democratization is almost completely ignored. The case of Mozambique illustrates the dangers of such an omission. During the past decade Mozambique has undergone considerable political change. The single-party, Marxist-Leninist oriented state has been replaced by a multi-party system, devoid of explicit references to any guiding ideology. The government has also expanded its contacts with the West, particularly by means of its assuming membership of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. These changes in Mozambique's political orientation have been accompanied by economic reforms, designed to arrest the precipitous decline in the Mozambican economy. In this dissertation I argue that the causes of both the economic and political reforms lie in this decline and in the government's need to secure capital and debt relief internationally. In order to do this, the Mozambican government had to change the aspects of its political system which were seen as being unacceptable by the West, in particular the lack of multi-party competition and its overtly Marxist orientation and close ties to socialist countries. Because the reforms had their primary genesis in Mozambique's need for international acceptance and not in the growth of popularly based democratic organisations, the reforms are fragile and their meaningfulness questionable.
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Writing left: Ruth First and radical South African journalism in the 1950's
- Authors: Pinnock, Don
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: First, Ruth, 1925-1982 Journalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2822 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003032
- Description: In a prison cell in Johannesburg in 1953 after months of solitary confinement Ruth First, one of South Africa's finest investigative joumalists, attempted to commit suicide. In a sense, information for this thesis has been gathered around the question of why First felt her life had reached a point where she wished it extinguished. The answer involves who she was, what she believed in and her perception at that moment in time of the magnitude of the defeat of all she had worked for. But this question has broader implications - it has been asked because its answer throws light not only on the particular joumalist, but on the radical press and on the political movements which gave it both life and readers. This study is divided into six sections: Origins and influences looks, firstly, at early Jewish migrations and Ruth's life up to the end of her schooling in Johannesburg, then at her university years and the influence on her life of the Communist Party of South Africa. A vigorously provocative life traces debates which led to the formation of the South African Congress of Democrats and the Congress Alliance. It looks, also, at the political influence of the white Left and the radical social fratemity. Trumpeters of freedom locates the origins of the radical press tradition in South Africa, then looks at the development of the two publications to which Ruth devoted most of her time: The Guardian/New Age and Fighting Talk. Writing left focuses on First's writing in connection with three campaigns: the farm labour and the potato boycott, womens' passes and the bus boycotts. These chapters are not a history of these campaigns, but an analysis of the influence on them of First's joumalism. Word wars is about the Treason Trial of 1956. The contention here is that the trial, in which First was one of the 'chief co-conspirators ', not only put the Congress Alliance in the dock, but was about the definition of three words: communism, violence and treason. In many ways it was a trial of the language of the Left, the tools of First's trade. Shifting focus looks at the period after Sharpeville and the 1960 State of Emergency. It considers the shift in First's writing necessitated by greater political oppression, a banning order and her exploration of the writing of books. Chapter 12 considers the massive setback to the Congress Alliance of the Rivonia Trial and the tactical errors which led the Congress leadership to the conclusion that armed struggle would succeed at that point in time. The final chapter is about First's detention, and her perceived personal defeat which resulted in her attempted suicide. The Postscript looks at First's successful attempts to come to terms with both a political and personal defeat. The work effectively ends, however, with her departure from South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Pinnock, Don
- Date: 1992
- Subjects: First, Ruth, 1925-1982 Journalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2822 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003032
- Description: In a prison cell in Johannesburg in 1953 after months of solitary confinement Ruth First, one of South Africa's finest investigative joumalists, attempted to commit suicide. In a sense, information for this thesis has been gathered around the question of why First felt her life had reached a point where she wished it extinguished. The answer involves who she was, what she believed in and her perception at that moment in time of the magnitude of the defeat of all she had worked for. But this question has broader implications - it has been asked because its answer throws light not only on the particular joumalist, but on the radical press and on the political movements which gave it both life and readers. This study is divided into six sections: Origins and influences looks, firstly, at early Jewish migrations and Ruth's life up to the end of her schooling in Johannesburg, then at her university years and the influence on her life of the Communist Party of South Africa. A vigorously provocative life traces debates which led to the formation of the South African Congress of Democrats and the Congress Alliance. It looks, also, at the political influence of the white Left and the radical social fratemity. Trumpeters of freedom locates the origins of the radical press tradition in South Africa, then looks at the development of the two publications to which Ruth devoted most of her time: The Guardian/New Age and Fighting Talk. Writing left focuses on First's writing in connection with three campaigns: the farm labour and the potato boycott, womens' passes and the bus boycotts. These chapters are not a history of these campaigns, but an analysis of the influence on them of First's joumalism. Word wars is about the Treason Trial of 1956. The contention here is that the trial, in which First was one of the 'chief co-conspirators ', not only put the Congress Alliance in the dock, but was about the definition of three words: communism, violence and treason. In many ways it was a trial of the language of the Left, the tools of First's trade. Shifting focus looks at the period after Sharpeville and the 1960 State of Emergency. It considers the shift in First's writing necessitated by greater political oppression, a banning order and her exploration of the writing of books. Chapter 12 considers the massive setback to the Congress Alliance of the Rivonia Trial and the tactical errors which led the Congress leadership to the conclusion that armed struggle would succeed at that point in time. The final chapter is about First's detention, and her perceived personal defeat which resulted in her attempted suicide. The Postscript looks at First's successful attempts to come to terms with both a political and personal defeat. The work effectively ends, however, with her departure from South Africa.
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The Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) : part of a whole or a cover?
- Authors: Lubbe, Ingrid Lisa
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: Southern African Development Coordination Conference
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2753 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002000
- Description: The object of this analysis of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was to examine the interaction between the states which comprise the organisation in terms of regional and international factors which either facilitated or constrained the pursuit of the organisation's economic goals. To this end a theoretical orientation which would place the organisation in context of regional and international political and economic interaction was necessary. International regime theory was used to place the organisation in an international context, and at the same time provided a theoretical dimension which could be used to analyse empirical evidence on the SADCC organisation's functioning. The application of regime theory clearly highlighted the fact that SADCC's economic goals are constrained by the degree to which all of the SADCC states are integrated on the economic level with western market economy and furthermore , by the fact that these links are reinforced for seven of the nine SADCC states by their economic dependence on South Africa. The above conclusion showed that in terms of the perpetuation of the SADCC organisation as an economic regime, according to the regime theory outlined in Chapter One, the goals of SADCC did not create a firm basis for economic cooperation in the long term. The future of the SADCC organisation in it's present form will depend on how long the racial policies of South Africa continue, for the analysis makes clear that the organisation has much more political than economic coherency. The use of a regime framework showed that in terms of the SADCC states individual economic positions, the historical and structural links between South Africa, the majority of the SADCC states and the West will continue indefinitely due to the strength of the structural economic links between the Southern African region and the western market economy. Thus the analysis proves, within the parameters of international regime theory, the lack of economic coherency within the SADCC organisation's goals, and the strength of the economic ties between the Southern African region and the West.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Lubbe, Ingrid Lisa
- Date: 1990
- Subjects: Southern African Development Coordination Conference
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2753 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002000
- Description: The object of this analysis of the Southern African Development Coordination Conference (SADCC) was to examine the interaction between the states which comprise the organisation in terms of regional and international factors which either facilitated or constrained the pursuit of the organisation's economic goals. To this end a theoretical orientation which would place the organisation in context of regional and international political and economic interaction was necessary. International regime theory was used to place the organisation in an international context, and at the same time provided a theoretical dimension which could be used to analyse empirical evidence on the SADCC organisation's functioning. The application of regime theory clearly highlighted the fact that SADCC's economic goals are constrained by the degree to which all of the SADCC states are integrated on the economic level with western market economy and furthermore , by the fact that these links are reinforced for seven of the nine SADCC states by their economic dependence on South Africa. The above conclusion showed that in terms of the perpetuation of the SADCC organisation as an economic regime, according to the regime theory outlined in Chapter One, the goals of SADCC did not create a firm basis for economic cooperation in the long term. The future of the SADCC organisation in it's present form will depend on how long the racial policies of South Africa continue, for the analysis makes clear that the organisation has much more political than economic coherency. The use of a regime framework showed that in terms of the SADCC states individual economic positions, the historical and structural links between South Africa, the majority of the SADCC states and the West will continue indefinitely due to the strength of the structural economic links between the Southern African region and the western market economy. Thus the analysis proves, within the parameters of international regime theory, the lack of economic coherency within the SADCC organisation's goals, and the strength of the economic ties between the Southern African region and the West.
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The origins and subsequent development of Administration Boards
- Authors: Humphries, Richard
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2854 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006873 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Description: Until the introduction of administration boards in 1972-1973, the responsibility for administering the urban black townships in "white" South Africa was vested with the municipalities as agents of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development. The establishment of administration boards to replace the municipalities' Non-European Affairs Departments reflected the determination of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to secure tighter direct control over the implementation of policy, particularly that affecting influx control and labour regulation. The decision to end municipal control was made after the report of the Van Rensburg Inter-Departmental Committee of Inquiry into Control Measures, which reported in 1967. The report's concern that influx control was not working as intended, coupled with doubts about the political autonomy of Opposition controlled municipalities, which dated back to the 1950s, were the major reasons for the introduction of administration boards.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Humphries, Richard
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2854 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006873 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Description: Until the introduction of administration boards in 1972-1973, the responsibility for administering the urban black townships in "white" South Africa was vested with the municipalities as agents of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development. The establishment of administration boards to replace the municipalities' Non-European Affairs Departments reflected the determination of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to secure tighter direct control over the implementation of policy, particularly that affecting influx control and labour regulation. The decision to end municipal control was made after the report of the Van Rensburg Inter-Departmental Committee of Inquiry into Control Measures, which reported in 1967. The report's concern that influx control was not working as intended, coupled with doubts about the political autonomy of Opposition controlled municipalities, which dated back to the 1950s, were the major reasons for the introduction of administration boards.
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Die administratiewe funksionering van bewindsinstellings in die Ciskei met besondere verwysing na plaaslike bestuur
- Authors: Groenewald, David Marais
- Date: 1976
- Subjects: Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2877 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012099 , Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: As gevolg van die ongekonsolideerde aard van die Bantoegebiede in die Ciskei is dit onmoontlik om diè gebied te begrens binne bepaalde relief kenmerke, soos bv. berge en riviere; of selfs binne administratiewe grense soos bv. magistraatsdistrikte. Intro., p. 1
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- Authors: Groenewald, David Marais
- Date: 1976
- Subjects: Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2877 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012099 , Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: As gevolg van die ongekonsolideerde aard van die Bantoegebiede in die Ciskei is dit onmoontlik om diè gebied te begrens binne bepaalde relief kenmerke, soos bv. berge en riviere; of selfs binne administratiewe grense soos bv. magistraatsdistrikte. Intro., p. 1
- Full Text: