Constructions of United States government development funding in response to the global gag rule
- Molobela, Reabetswe Lee-Anne
- Authors: Molobela, Reabetswe Lee-Anne
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Pro-choice movement -- South Africa , Abortion -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Abortion -- Moral and ethical aspects -- South Africa , Abortion -- Psychological aspects , Reproductive rights -- South Africa , Economic assistance, American -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa , Discourse analysis , Social constructionism , Global Gag Rule
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/148295 , vital:38727
- Description: Despite South Africa’s progressive abortion law, barriers to safe abortion are numerous and exist at both the macro and micro level. Barriers include abortion stigma, discrimination, strong moral judgements against abortion within society and conscientious objection among health care workers. Furthermore, women’s lack of knowledge regarding the legal status of abortion and the voluminous illegal advertisements of back street abortions undermines the legislation and promotes unsafe abortions. Sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR) non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have served as a link between service and people by providing information about safe abortion to women, especially in rural areas and have received funding from various platforms including United States government. However, the United States government has established the global gag rule which forbids foreign non-governmental organizations receiving United States government funding from using United States government and non-United States funds for abortion related activities. The global gag rule has been reinstated and extended by the current United States president. As such the global gag rule is expected to have an adverse effect on sexual and reproductive health rights in South Africa and on Sexual and reproductive health rights non-governmental organizations. The aim of the study is to highlight the constructions and responses to the global gag rule by sexual and reproductive health rights non-government organization workers in the South African context. This study used semi-structured individual interviews to collect data through purposive and snowball sampling of 10 South African Sexual and reproductive health rights non-governmental organizations workers. The study is situated within the social constructionist framework with emphasis on Fairclough’s three aspects of the constructive effects of discourse as an analytic tool in conjunction with Braun and Clarke’s social constructionist thematic analysis. The results of the study reflect on participants’ construction of United States government as imposing conservative agendas and taking regressive steps towards Sexual and reproductive health rights, which have in turn invoked indirect and direct resistance from non-governmental organizations. Additionally, NGO workers have constructed subject positions that highlight the vulnerability of non-governmental organizations dependency on United States government 1funding as it destabilizes and fragments civil society organization while it compromises the effectiveness of non-governmental organizations in serving the needs of intended communities. United States government is also constructed as strengthening abortion stigma and strengthening barriers to safe abortion that already exist in the country.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Molobela, Reabetswe Lee-Anne
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Pro-choice movement -- South Africa , Abortion -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Abortion -- Moral and ethical aspects -- South Africa , Abortion -- Psychological aspects , Reproductive rights -- South Africa , Economic assistance, American -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa , Discourse analysis , Social constructionism , Global Gag Rule
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/148295 , vital:38727
- Description: Despite South Africa’s progressive abortion law, barriers to safe abortion are numerous and exist at both the macro and micro level. Barriers include abortion stigma, discrimination, strong moral judgements against abortion within society and conscientious objection among health care workers. Furthermore, women’s lack of knowledge regarding the legal status of abortion and the voluminous illegal advertisements of back street abortions undermines the legislation and promotes unsafe abortions. Sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR) non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have served as a link between service and people by providing information about safe abortion to women, especially in rural areas and have received funding from various platforms including United States government. However, the United States government has established the global gag rule which forbids foreign non-governmental organizations receiving United States government funding from using United States government and non-United States funds for abortion related activities. The global gag rule has been reinstated and extended by the current United States president. As such the global gag rule is expected to have an adverse effect on sexual and reproductive health rights in South Africa and on Sexual and reproductive health rights non-governmental organizations. The aim of the study is to highlight the constructions and responses to the global gag rule by sexual and reproductive health rights non-government organization workers in the South African context. This study used semi-structured individual interviews to collect data through purposive and snowball sampling of 10 South African Sexual and reproductive health rights non-governmental organizations workers. The study is situated within the social constructionist framework with emphasis on Fairclough’s three aspects of the constructive effects of discourse as an analytic tool in conjunction with Braun and Clarke’s social constructionist thematic analysis. The results of the study reflect on participants’ construction of United States government as imposing conservative agendas and taking regressive steps towards Sexual and reproductive health rights, which have in turn invoked indirect and direct resistance from non-governmental organizations. Additionally, NGO workers have constructed subject positions that highlight the vulnerability of non-governmental organizations dependency on United States government 1funding as it destabilizes and fragments civil society organization while it compromises the effectiveness of non-governmental organizations in serving the needs of intended communities. United States government is also constructed as strengthening abortion stigma and strengthening barriers to safe abortion that already exist in the country.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Practices of media production and positioning of women in South African newspaper articles about abortion, 1978 to 2005
- Feltham-King, Tracey https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8695-9367
- Authors: Feltham-King, Tracey https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8695-9367
- Date: 2010-01
- Subjects: Abortion -- Press coverage , Abortion -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Abortion -- Moral and ethical aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28728 , vital:74638
- Description: The context in which legal abortion occurred changed radically in South Africa from 1978 to 2005. The Abortion and Sterilization Act Act No.2 of 1975 severely compromised most South African women's reprouctive rights. Legal abortions were only accessible in practice to white middle-class women. After the process of democratization was initiated the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act Act No.92 of 1996 came into effect. This Act was hailed as a complete transformation of the previous legislation and sought to make abortion legal and accessible to all South African women within the first trimester of their pregnancies. This study sought to examine the influence of this transformation on the practices of media production and the representation of women in newspaper articles written about abortion. A post-structuralist feminist approach to a content analysis was adopted using articles about abortion which were published in 25 South African newspapers over a 28-year period. The practices of media production were quantified by looking at the events which were reported on in the newspapers in relation to abortion as well as the commentators who were called on to comment in those articles. The practices of representation were identified according to the words used to indicate the subject woman, in those articles and the discourses used to position women in relation to abortion. The media practices of production were shown to be historically contingent. There was a shift from reports of events occurring in the formalised knowledge domain, before the transition to democracy, to events generated by the politics of individual opinion, after 1990. Although state and political commentators were the most prevalent as commentators overall, after 1990 individual media experts comprised the greatest proportion of individual commentators. This coincided with the generation of more dialogue, discussion, opinion and commentary about the topic of abortion. Women emerged more prominently as commentators around the time of legislative change and initial implementation of the new legislation. Overall a strong relationship emerged between the gender of the commentators and their alignment to the abortion issue. Male commentators were most often aligned to the pro-life side of the debate and female commentators most often to the pro-choice lobby. The strategic utilisation of particular indicators and subject positions for women in newspaper articles about abortion was evident. There was an increase of the use of the term girl at the time when the new legislation was being formulated and challenged. Women were only made visible as autonomous subjects after 1990, when the transition to democracy had begun. Despite this visibility and the radical transformation of the abortion legislation, however, women are still most often positioned as victims in newspaper articles written about abortion. , Thesis (M.Soc. Sc) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2010
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010-01
- Authors: Feltham-King, Tracey https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8695-9367
- Date: 2010-01
- Subjects: Abortion -- Press coverage , Abortion -- Law and legislation -- South Africa , Abortion -- Moral and ethical aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/28728 , vital:74638
- Description: The context in which legal abortion occurred changed radically in South Africa from 1978 to 2005. The Abortion and Sterilization Act Act No.2 of 1975 severely compromised most South African women's reprouctive rights. Legal abortions were only accessible in practice to white middle-class women. After the process of democratization was initiated the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act Act No.92 of 1996 came into effect. This Act was hailed as a complete transformation of the previous legislation and sought to make abortion legal and accessible to all South African women within the first trimester of their pregnancies. This study sought to examine the influence of this transformation on the practices of media production and the representation of women in newspaper articles written about abortion. A post-structuralist feminist approach to a content analysis was adopted using articles about abortion which were published in 25 South African newspapers over a 28-year period. The practices of media production were quantified by looking at the events which were reported on in the newspapers in relation to abortion as well as the commentators who were called on to comment in those articles. The practices of representation were identified according to the words used to indicate the subject woman, in those articles and the discourses used to position women in relation to abortion. The media practices of production were shown to be historically contingent. There was a shift from reports of events occurring in the formalised knowledge domain, before the transition to democracy, to events generated by the politics of individual opinion, after 1990. Although state and political commentators were the most prevalent as commentators overall, after 1990 individual media experts comprised the greatest proportion of individual commentators. This coincided with the generation of more dialogue, discussion, opinion and commentary about the topic of abortion. Women emerged more prominently as commentators around the time of legislative change and initial implementation of the new legislation. Overall a strong relationship emerged between the gender of the commentators and their alignment to the abortion issue. Male commentators were most often aligned to the pro-life side of the debate and female commentators most often to the pro-choice lobby. The strategic utilisation of particular indicators and subject positions for women in newspaper articles about abortion was evident. There was an increase of the use of the term girl at the time when the new legislation was being formulated and challenged. Women were only made visible as autonomous subjects after 1990, when the transition to democracy had begun. Despite this visibility and the radical transformation of the abortion legislation, however, women are still most often positioned as victims in newspaper articles written about abortion. , Thesis (M.Soc. Sc) -- Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, 2010
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010-01
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