The nexus between territorial border controls, informal cross border trading and economic security in Zimbabwe: the case of Beitbridge Border Post
- Authors: Nare, Hilary
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Informal sector (Economics) Zimbabwe , South Africa Commerce Zimbabwe , Border security Zimbabwe , Economic security Zimbabwe , Beitbridge (Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365977 , vital:65807 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365977
- Description: Informal cross border trade is central to the lives of many Zimbabweans, with informal trade across the Zimbabwean-South African border being of particular importance. This entails travelling through the Beitbridge border post on the Zimbabwean side, with Zimbabwean informal traders purchasing items in South Africa for resale in Zimbabwe. In doing so, they contribute not only to their own economic security but likely to the economic security of other Zimbabweans deeply affected by the ongoing crisis in the country. Often times, when examining the lives of Zimbabwe’s informal traders, the border post is not subjected to sustained focus and analysis. Yet, border posts (like the Beitbridge border post) are complex social institutions which configure the lives and livelihoods of cross border traders in multiple ways, and which informal traders often have to negotiate their way through. In this context, this thesis provides a critical analysis of border control management at the Beitbridge border post with particular reference to the activities of Zimbabwean informal cross border traders. The Beitbridge border post, like all border posts, has multiple functions. As a territorial border post, it seeks to maintain the national sovereignty of the Zimbabwean nation- state, and it monitors and controls the movement of people and goods in both directions. Currently, it is doing so at a time when the vast majority of Zimbabweans are suffering from varying levels of economic insecurity. The extent to which these functions are performed, and the manner in which they are performed, depends fundamentally on what takes place at the Beitbridge border post. This refers to the performance of both human subjects (border control officers of various kinds) and inanimate objects (such as scanners and cameras), both of which enact agency. Combined with these is the agency of cross border traders, who are compelled to navigate their way in and through these dimensions of the border control system. The thesis examines this by drawing heavily upon Actor-Network Theory. It is based on research undertaken at Beitbridge border post, involving 50 interviews with primarily current and former border control officers as well as informal cross border traders. Findings of this study show that deficiencies in border control management and border porosity at Beitbridge have led to a flourishing of informal cross border trade and, in turn, contributed to economic security in Zimbabwe, including during the time of Covid-19. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Nare, Hilary
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Informal sector (Economics) Zimbabwe , South Africa Commerce Zimbabwe , Border security Zimbabwe , Economic security Zimbabwe , Beitbridge (Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365977 , vital:65807 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365977
- Description: Informal cross border trade is central to the lives of many Zimbabweans, with informal trade across the Zimbabwean-South African border being of particular importance. This entails travelling through the Beitbridge border post on the Zimbabwean side, with Zimbabwean informal traders purchasing items in South Africa for resale in Zimbabwe. In doing so, they contribute not only to their own economic security but likely to the economic security of other Zimbabweans deeply affected by the ongoing crisis in the country. Often times, when examining the lives of Zimbabwe’s informal traders, the border post is not subjected to sustained focus and analysis. Yet, border posts (like the Beitbridge border post) are complex social institutions which configure the lives and livelihoods of cross border traders in multiple ways, and which informal traders often have to negotiate their way through. In this context, this thesis provides a critical analysis of border control management at the Beitbridge border post with particular reference to the activities of Zimbabwean informal cross border traders. The Beitbridge border post, like all border posts, has multiple functions. As a territorial border post, it seeks to maintain the national sovereignty of the Zimbabwean nation- state, and it monitors and controls the movement of people and goods in both directions. Currently, it is doing so at a time when the vast majority of Zimbabweans are suffering from varying levels of economic insecurity. The extent to which these functions are performed, and the manner in which they are performed, depends fundamentally on what takes place at the Beitbridge border post. This refers to the performance of both human subjects (border control officers of various kinds) and inanimate objects (such as scanners and cameras), both of which enact agency. Combined with these is the agency of cross border traders, who are compelled to navigate their way in and through these dimensions of the border control system. The thesis examines this by drawing heavily upon Actor-Network Theory. It is based on research undertaken at Beitbridge border post, involving 50 interviews with primarily current and former border control officers as well as informal cross border traders. Findings of this study show that deficiencies in border control management and border porosity at Beitbridge have led to a flourishing of informal cross border trade and, in turn, contributed to economic security in Zimbabwe, including during the time of Covid-19. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Youth, political violence and ZANU-PF politics in Zimbabwe, c.1950-2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
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