Diaspora in Dialogue: An Ontology of Diasporic Subjectivity in the Work of Three Artists Living In-Between South Africa and Zimbabwe
- Nyoni, Vulindlela Philani Elliott
- Authors: Nyoni, Vulindlela Philani Elliott
- Date: 2024-04
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Emigration and immigration
- Language: English
- Type: Doctorate , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/62366 , vital:72615
- Description: As a Zimbabwean artist and educator, living and working in South Africa, my daily experience is that of an “in-between” diasporic subjectivity, which is compounded by the discourses around the uneasy reintegration of post-apartheid South Africa into Africa. This context gives rise to the core philosophical aim of this thesis, which is to explore the notion of “diasporic subjectivities” as a philosophical approach to understanding what it means to be in a complex contemporary reality. The notion of diasporic subjectivities works in the same way as that of “queer subjectivities”, which has been used to understand not just gay people but all people. “Diaspora” names people who have moved, migrated, or been scattered away from an established or ancestral homeland, but retain some sense of belonging to this homeland. From an African perspective, I problematise the concept of an established homeland and the settled subjectivities that belong to it, in contrast to which only the diaspora remains in an uncomfortable state of in-betweenness. Instead, I explore a contention among both European and African existentialist philosophers that the condition of not being at home is the fundamental human condition out of which a home must be created. This would mean that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans. However, importantly, I find that sociocultural differences due to the history of colonialism gives rise to different experiences of homelessness and the groundlessness of being. This makes a distinction necessary, but to avoid the pitfalls of tying this distinction to geographical locations such as Western versus Non-Western or Global North and Global South, I will refer instead to spaces, practices and even individuals, in which there are “mindsets of entitlement” versus “mindsets of disentitlement”. The former refers to the mindset of ownership characteristic of the settled and developed. The latter refers to the mindset of many who feel a sense of unbelonging, due to disenfranchisement and forced disembodiment and dislocation. I have aimed to support the thesis that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans, in two ways. Firstly, I consider in detail through various means (narratives, personal reflection, investigation of philosophical texts, dialogues), the philosophical concepts of “belonging”, “home” and “nostalgia” as component aspects of an ontology of diasporic subjectivity. In the second part of this study, I engage in an interpretative process, as outlined by Hans-Georg Gadamer, whereby I use this ontology to help me dialogue with artworks produced by three Zimbabwean artists, Ronald Muchatuta, Gerald Machona, and myself (Vulindlela Nyoni), who share the diasporic condition of being Zimbabweans living in-between Zimbabwe and South Africa. The ontology of diasporic subjectivity developed in the first part offers a language with which to dialogue with the artworks or question the way in which the complexities of belonging, home and nostalgia are expressed in the works, while the works in turn help deepen an understanding of diasporic subjectivity. Both philosophies and artworks may function as transformative, practical tools for seeking wisdom, cultivating self-awareness, developing moral character, and living a reflective and examined life. The combination of personal narratives and self-reflexive, philosophical dialogues regarding artworks and art making and its exigencies holds the potential to produce deeper philosophical insights into the fundamentally diasporic human condition. This kind of hybrid research at the interface between philosophy and artistic praxis is accessible to a broad-based audience. It is therefore better able to undo malicious stereotypical associations between émigrés and malignant tropes of societal decay on the African continent and to validate the contributions made by African diaspora to the decolonial project, than neatly distanced academic reflections, which reduce the philosophical impact of transnational migration to measurable motivations and statistics. , Thesis (D.Phil) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Scinces, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04
- Authors: Nyoni, Vulindlela Philani Elliott
- Date: 2024-04
- Subjects: Foreign workers -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Emigration and immigration
- Language: English
- Type: Doctorate , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/62366 , vital:72615
- Description: As a Zimbabwean artist and educator, living and working in South Africa, my daily experience is that of an “in-between” diasporic subjectivity, which is compounded by the discourses around the uneasy reintegration of post-apartheid South Africa into Africa. This context gives rise to the core philosophical aim of this thesis, which is to explore the notion of “diasporic subjectivities” as a philosophical approach to understanding what it means to be in a complex contemporary reality. The notion of diasporic subjectivities works in the same way as that of “queer subjectivities”, which has been used to understand not just gay people but all people. “Diaspora” names people who have moved, migrated, or been scattered away from an established or ancestral homeland, but retain some sense of belonging to this homeland. From an African perspective, I problematise the concept of an established homeland and the settled subjectivities that belong to it, in contrast to which only the diaspora remains in an uncomfortable state of in-betweenness. Instead, I explore a contention among both European and African existentialist philosophers that the condition of not being at home is the fundamental human condition out of which a home must be created. This would mean that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans. However, importantly, I find that sociocultural differences due to the history of colonialism gives rise to different experiences of homelessness and the groundlessness of being. This makes a distinction necessary, but to avoid the pitfalls of tying this distinction to geographical locations such as Western versus Non-Western or Global North and Global South, I will refer instead to spaces, practices and even individuals, in which there are “mindsets of entitlement” versus “mindsets of disentitlement”. The former refers to the mindset of ownership characteristic of the settled and developed. The latter refers to the mindset of many who feel a sense of unbelonging, due to disenfranchisement and forced disembodiment and dislocation. I have aimed to support the thesis that the groundlessness, liminality or in-betweenness of being is experienced not just by the diaspora but by all humans, in two ways. Firstly, I consider in detail through various means (narratives, personal reflection, investigation of philosophical texts, dialogues), the philosophical concepts of “belonging”, “home” and “nostalgia” as component aspects of an ontology of diasporic subjectivity. In the second part of this study, I engage in an interpretative process, as outlined by Hans-Georg Gadamer, whereby I use this ontology to help me dialogue with artworks produced by three Zimbabwean artists, Ronald Muchatuta, Gerald Machona, and myself (Vulindlela Nyoni), who share the diasporic condition of being Zimbabweans living in-between Zimbabwe and South Africa. The ontology of diasporic subjectivity developed in the first part offers a language with which to dialogue with the artworks or question the way in which the complexities of belonging, home and nostalgia are expressed in the works, while the works in turn help deepen an understanding of diasporic subjectivity. Both philosophies and artworks may function as transformative, practical tools for seeking wisdom, cultivating self-awareness, developing moral character, and living a reflective and examined life. The combination of personal narratives and self-reflexive, philosophical dialogues regarding artworks and art making and its exigencies holds the potential to produce deeper philosophical insights into the fundamentally diasporic human condition. This kind of hybrid research at the interface between philosophy and artistic praxis is accessible to a broad-based audience. It is therefore better able to undo malicious stereotypical associations between émigrés and malignant tropes of societal decay on the African continent and to validate the contributions made by African diaspora to the decolonial project, than neatly distanced academic reflections, which reduce the philosophical impact of transnational migration to measurable motivations and statistics. , Thesis (D.Phil) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Scinces, 2024
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2024-04
Explaining the endurance of poverty and inequality : social policy and the social division of welfare in the South African health system
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Du Plessis, Ulandi
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: Health system , Private health , Public health , Poor , Subsidies , Profit motive , Quality , Efficiency , Public health -- Finance -- Research -- South Africa , Medical care -- Research -- South Africa , Poverty -- Research -- South Africa , Equality -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2755 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002002
- Description: This thesis examines the structure and flow of public funding between the public and private sectors in the South African health system and the consequences thereof for the achievement of equity. The conceptual framework used to undertake the analysis derives from Richard Titmuss’ core theoretical framework, the Social Division of Welfare. The application of the Social Division of Welfare applied to the South African health care context demonstrates how state resources end up benefitting the non-poor and, as a result, reproduce inequality. Those who access public institutions such as public health care are assumed to be ‘dependent’ on the state, whilst those who access private health facilities claim to be ‘independent’ of the state. However, this thesis shows that these assumptions are flawed. Access to the formal labour market, and subsequently the paying of taxes, authorises one to access state subsidies not available to those who do not. The application of the Social Division of Welfare shows that tax-paying private health care patients benefit considerably from state resources. This thesis argues that due to cost escalation in the private health sector, a consequence of the commodification of health care, these private health care ‘consumers’ as well as the private health industry in general are dependent upon state resources. This thesis analyses the role played by the profit motive present in the private health industry and the consequences for equity, quality, access and efficiency in health care provision
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
New ways of understanding: a governmentality analysis of basic education policy in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Prinsloo, Estelle Helena
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: South Africa -- Department of Basic Education , Basic education -- Government policy -- Research -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- Education -- South Africa , Educational change -- Research -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2751 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001384
- Description: Social problems that are identified by government policy are articulated in ways that confer the responsibility of their management onto the state. In this way, policy reform serves as a means to justify political rule, as the ‘answers’ to policy failures are located within the realm of state intervention. This role of policy is maintained by the traditional definition of policy as it enables policies to be presented as the outcome of ‘necessary’ actions taken by state institutions to better the wellbeing of citizens. Since 1994, mainstream research on basic education policy in South Africa has employed traditional understandings of policy and its function. In doing so, these inquiries have failed to question the very idea of policy itself. They have also neglected to identify the productive role played by policy in the practice of power. To illuminate the necessary limits of policy reform, an alternative approach to analyse basic education policy is necessary. This thesis premises policy as discourse and advances a governmentality analysis of basic education policy during the first fifteen years of democracy (1994-2009) in South Africa. By drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, the study argues that government – ‘those actions upon the actions of others’ – during this period in South Africa was informed by both a liberal and a neo-liberal mentality of rule. The tensions between these two rationalities contributed to the continuation of apartheid’s socio-economic inequalities in the postapartheid era; an outcome buttressed by the contradictory impulses within basic education policy. By considering policy as a productive translation of governmental reasoning, the boundaries of intervention for future policy reforms are highlighted. These show that the inequalities that were perpetuated during the first fifteen years of democracy justify policy responses similar to those responsible for their production
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
The Educational Journal
- Date: 2006-03
- Subjects: Education -- South Africa , Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38279 , vital:34542 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2006-03
- Date: 2006-03
- Subjects: Education -- South Africa , Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38279 , vital:34542 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2006-03
The Educational Journal
- Date: 2005-12
- Subjects: Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38269 , vital:34539 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2005-12
- Date: 2005-12
- Subjects: Economics -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/38269 , vital:34539 , Bulk File 7
- Description: The Educational Journal was the official organ of the Teachers' League of South Africa and focussed on education within the context of a racialized South Africa. From the 2000s, the journal was published by the National Union of Public Service and Allied Workers (NUPSAW), a trade union formed in August 1998 from the amalgamation of militant and moderate trade unions and also operated in the education sphere.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2005-12
The Apdusan: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Authors: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Date: 1999-10
- Subjects: APDUSA -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095 , vital:30503
- Description: After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. , Vol. 5 no. 3
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999-10
- Authors: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Date: 1999-10
- Subjects: APDUSA -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095 , vital:30503
- Description: After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. , Vol. 5 no. 3
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999-10
The manufacture of chaos and compromise: an analysis of the path to reform in South Africa
- Authors: Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Apartheid -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations , Black people -- South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , thesis
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218 , vital:30521
- Description: This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. , Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Ryklief, Cheryl Cecelia
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Apartheid -- South Africa -- History , South Africa -- Race relations , Black people -- South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , thesis
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76218 , vital:30521
- Description: This dissertation examines the factors leading to the opening of negotiations to majority rule in South Africa. It argues that changes to the socio-economic environment led to the growth of the strategic relevance of the black working class, and also created certain points of collision between the black working class and the policies of the state. These sectoral collisions engendered both the partial reforms of the Botha era as well as the rejection of these reforms by the black majority. The developments that emerged from the ensuing process of reform, resistance and repression in the 1980s weakened both the state and the black opposition sufficiently to allow for the emergence of a consensual solution to the political stalemate. , Dissertation submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Master of Arts
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
A study of some aspects of the poor white problem in South Africa
- Authors: Lewis, Robert Alexander
- Date: 1979
- Subjects: Poor white problem , Afrikaners -- Economic conditions , Poor -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2524 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001853
- Description: The first instance of the poor white problem being dramatically brought to the attention of white South Africa was in 1893 when Rev. Andrew Murray issued an open letter on the subject which resulted in the convening of the first of many Dutch Reformed Church conferences on the problem (Introduction, p. 1).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979
- Authors: Lewis, Robert Alexander
- Date: 1979
- Subjects: Poor white problem , Afrikaners -- Economic conditions , Poor -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2524 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001853
- Description: The first instance of the poor white problem being dramatically brought to the attention of white South Africa was in 1893 when Rev. Andrew Murray issued an open letter on the subject which resulted in the convening of the first of many Dutch Reformed Church conferences on the problem (Introduction, p. 1).
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979
Social cohesion: is it possible in a diverse society?
- Authors: Pauw, H C
- Subjects: Social interaction -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21914 , vital:29801
- Description: The Faculty of Arts has been requested to drive one of the NMMU research themes, namely "Social cohesion". Being a memeber of the Faculty of Arts and from the School of Governance and Social Sciences I have decided to provide some input regarding this theme. South Africa experienced violent xenophobic attacks on non-South African Africans during May 2008. In a report in The Times (17 June 2008) under the title Mandela calls for 'Social cohesion', former president Nelson Mandela urged the youth of South Africa to work for social cohesion in the country. "The struggle for democracy has never been a matter pursued by one race, class, religious community or gender among South Africans. As future leaders of this country, your challenge is to foster a nation in which all people, irrespective of race, colour, sex, religion or creed, can ascertain a social cohesion fully," (http://www.TheTimes-Mandela calls for 'social cohesion'.htm). My perspective regarding humans is, to paraphrase the late Clyde Kluckhohn, that: Every human is like all other humans, some other humans and no other human.
- Full Text: false
- Authors: Pauw, H C
- Subjects: Social interaction -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21914 , vital:29801
- Description: The Faculty of Arts has been requested to drive one of the NMMU research themes, namely "Social cohesion". Being a memeber of the Faculty of Arts and from the School of Governance and Social Sciences I have decided to provide some input regarding this theme. South Africa experienced violent xenophobic attacks on non-South African Africans during May 2008. In a report in The Times (17 June 2008) under the title Mandela calls for 'Social cohesion', former president Nelson Mandela urged the youth of South Africa to work for social cohesion in the country. "The struggle for democracy has never been a matter pursued by one race, class, religious community or gender among South Africans. As future leaders of this country, your challenge is to foster a nation in which all people, irrespective of race, colour, sex, religion or creed, can ascertain a social cohesion fully," (http://www.TheTimes-Mandela calls for 'social cohesion'.htm). My perspective regarding humans is, to paraphrase the late Clyde Kluckhohn, that: Every human is like all other humans, some other humans and no other human.
- Full Text: false
Structure and agency in the age of climate change
- Authors: Cherry, Janet
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21033 , vital:29429
- Description: What I will present here is based on my grappling over the past three decades with one of the central problems of social science – the relationship between social structure and human agency. This is not a new problem for social scientists; from Karl Marx, who understood that human beings make history, but not in circumstances of their choosing; to the French structuralists who conceived the term ‘relative autonomy’ and ‘overdetermination’; to Anthony Giddens’ ‘structuration theory’ and other contemporary sociologists. What is new are the changing physical circumstances of the world in which we live, which mean that human society can no longer afford to analyse ourselves and our social, political and economic systems independently of the natural world.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Cherry, Janet
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions , South Africa -- Social conditions , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/21033 , vital:29429
- Description: What I will present here is based on my grappling over the past three decades with one of the central problems of social science – the relationship between social structure and human agency. This is not a new problem for social scientists; from Karl Marx, who understood that human beings make history, but not in circumstances of their choosing; to the French structuralists who conceived the term ‘relative autonomy’ and ‘overdetermination’; to Anthony Giddens’ ‘structuration theory’ and other contemporary sociologists. What is new are the changing physical circumstances of the world in which we live, which mean that human society can no longer afford to analyse ourselves and our social, political and economic systems independently of the natural world.
- Full Text:
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