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The limits of capitalists reform in South Africa

- University of the Western Cape

Authors: University of the Western Cape
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Capitalism -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Congresses , Marx, Karl,1818-1883 , Marx, Karl,1818-1883 -- Influence , Democracy -- South Africa -- Congresses , Socialism -- South Africa -- Congresses , Communism -- South Africa -- Congresses
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76027 , vital:30493
Description: Until a few years ago, it was widely held that, ‘apartheid cannot be reformed, it can only be destroyed’. Today, all participants in the negotiation process are agreed that one fundamental characteristic of the social order must be preserved: the new South Africa is to be a capitalist society; the productive wealth of the country will be the private property of a small number of capitalists, and the vast majority will try to sell their labour for a wage to capitalists who will buy it only when that labour can contribute to their profits. There is still disagreement about how small or large the number of capitalists will be; about the colour of their skins; about who they will appoint to manage their mines, banks, factories and farms for them; about the rules that will govern disputes over wages; and above all about the use that the state will make of the taxes paid from their profits. There is also disagreement about the extent to which capitalism can afford to meet popular needs. But all of these disagreements take place within the framework of a common belief that the future is capitalist. The aim of this seminar series, held by the Marxist Theory Seminar at the University of the Western Cape in April/May 1993, was to pose the question: What are the limits of social reform in a capitalist South Africa? Can the fundamental needs and aspirations of the vast majority of South Africans be met within a capitalist framework? Very often these questions are brushed aside with the argument that, given the present balance of local and international forces, there is no alternative to capitalism in SA today. Even if this argument is correct, it still remains necessary to ask what can be achieved within the framework of the capitalist society to which there is no alternative. If that question is not posed in the most rigorous way, all kinds of illusions will be created about what the future holds in store for us. The question of the limits of capitalist reform in SA is posed as it concerns five different areas; democracy, education, economic growth and employment, land and the oppression of women. What will democracy mean in a new SA which depends on foreign investment and capitalist profitability? Can the education crisis be resolved while meeting the needs of capitalist growth? Will economic growth take place in a capitalist SA, and will this lead to the creation of jobs and a higher standard of living for the majority? Can land be restored to the dispossessed, the virtual slavery of millions of farm workers ended, and land used in a way that produces food for all? What are the prospects of ending the oppression of women in a capitalist South Africa? MTS does not believe that there are simple answers to these questions. Certainly, these questions cannot be answered by a general condemnation of the inequality and inhumanity of capitalism. In each case, it is necessary to give clear answers to such questions as: Has capitalism served historically to support the struggle for democracy or to oppose it? How has it affected education in SA? What are the present interests of the capitalists in solving the land question, or giving women control of their lives? To what extent can capitalism be forced to make concessions - to provide jobs, for example - by the struggles of the oppressed? In the past, capitalism has shown itself to be much more flexible than its critics have supposed. That does not mean that capitalism can do anything it likes, nor that the working class can force it to meet whatever demands it has. One of the indispensable insights of Marxism is that processes of social change are not determined by the intentions or integrity of political leaders, but rather by the fundamental relationships of society and the ability of the major classes to pursue their interests created by these relationships. We hope that the publication of this seminar series contributes to making this insight available to a wider audience. , Marxist theory seminar
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The role of the educator

- National Union of MetalWorkers of South Africa

Authors: National Union of MetalWorkers of South Africa
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Capitalism and education , Black people -- Education -- South Africa , Teachers, Black -- Psychology
Language: English
Type: text , pamphlet
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/110914 , vital:33350
Description: In South Africa, like all other capitalist societies, workers are forced to work for wages to buy the things they need to survive. The land, factories, mines, etc are privately owned by the capitalists. Because the capitalists own the land, factories and mines they control the wealth that is produced. With this wealth, as well as with the ownership of several newspapers and investment in radio and television stations, the capitalists can try and influence how people think. The capitalists also use the political rights and the wealth they have to influence how the government behaves. In South Africa, black workers have no political rights, because of apartheid. So they cannot influence the government in the same way as the capitalists. Workers standing on their own are also weak against their employers because the employers do not need any one particular worker. But the employers cannot do without all their workers. Machines without workers are useless. So if all workers can organise themselves to act together, to act collectively as it is called, then the balance of power changes. Capitalism needs the labour of workers to survive. So organised workers can be the most powerful weapon against capitalism. But the capitalists in South Africa are very powerful. They have a good friend in the apartheid state. Workers need to be well organised to challenge the power of the capitalists. But to build this strength, we need unity. We also need discipline and clear direction. The first step in making a union strong is for the union to have a very large membership. But the members cannot be sleeping members. They must understand the broader aims and objectives of the union and how the union fits into the wider struggle in South Africa. They must also have the skills and knowledge to be able to participate actively in all the activities of the union. Democratic practices increase the strength of workers' organisations and make them more effective. Democratic organisations are also necessary for building democratic societies because they make it possible for the masses of the people to participate in decisions about their lives.
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Three important principles for trade unionism: unity, independence and democratic methods

Date: 19--?
Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Quality of work life
Language: English
Type: text , pamphlet
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111235 , vital:33418
Description: The first principle of trade unionism is unity: the unity of workers, or put another way, solidarity, “one for all, all for one. With solid unity, many things can be achieved by the workers. Without unity, nothing of significance can be achieved by an individual worker. What this means in practice is: the organizational objective of a union is 100 percent membership.The strength and influence of a trade union in its relationship to employers depend on the extent the employees of the company concerned are unionized. The higher the proportion of unionized workers to non-unionized workers, the greater the strength. Apart from numbers, strength also come from organizing the key, skilled workers in the enterprise. Depending on what the basis of organization of the union is—whether it be craft occupation, a specific industry, an undertaking, a common employer or general labor —all workers should be united into one union, irrespective of race, religion, creed, sex, skill, etc. All are equal in the eyes of the organization. Trade unions should also operate nationally because local or regional unions cannot develop sufficient bargaining power or competence over a whole range of issues to adequately safeguard the interest of workers. Trade unions should not be considered as closed societies. They should not be an instrument of privileged or elite workers, jealously guarding member’s privileges against nonmember workers who receive lower wages and are unorganized. They should be open to all workers, otherwise, these same underprivileged workers could be used as scabs against organized workers in the event of a serious conflict. If an organization is to serve the needs of its members, it must be controlled by the members themselves, for who but they themselves can best define and guard their own interests? If a union intends to truly achieve the principles and objectives upon which it was founded, it should not allow itself to be dominated or controlled by external interests, be it government, employers, political parties, religious, communal or fraternal organizations, or individual persons. A government may or may not be well disposed to trade unions, but in general, it is very responsive to the interests of the powerful groups in society, usually the employers. Moreover, if a government can control the operation and policies of a trade union, it becomes an instrument of the government rather than of the workers for whom it was originally set up. There are cases where a so-called “union” is organized by the employer for the employees. This kind of union is a “yellow union” (company dominated union). It is dominated by the management or its stooges. It is usually a local union (or a one-shop union), which means that only employees of that undertaking are allowed to join it. Needless to say, this kind of union is totally useless because its basic purpose is not to promote the workers’ interest but to prevent them from setting up a genuine one. When management starts to pressure employees to join a local union, the signals are clear: it is a yellow union. Equally, the union should resist any attempt by any political party to control and dominate it. The interests of the political party are not necessarily the same as those of the union. Even if there are some areas of shared interests, the ultimate aim of a trade union is to serve its members. This aim may be distorted under the domination of a political party whose basic aim is to obtain support from all sectors to secure power.
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Trade unions, community organisation and politics: a local case study on the East Rand

Authors: Holdt, K von
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Labour unions -- Political activity -- South Africa , Community development -- South Africa
Language: English
Type: text , book
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/73269 , vital:30171
Description: This dissertation sets out as a challenge to two trends in the analysis of the trade union movement. The first trend implies that there is no fundamental difference in political strategy between the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) which was formed in 1985 and included amongst others all the FOSATU affiliates. Swilling for instance writes that the unions established in the 1970s "shunned distinctions between economic and political issues and stridently challenged state policies" (Swilling, 1987: 2). Maree too implies that the involvement of the industrial unions in community and political struggles in the mid-1980s was not incompatible with their earlier position (1987: 10).
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Wage negotiations workbook

- Workers' Education Project

Authors: Workers' Education Project
Date: 19--?
Subjects: Labour unions -- South Africa , Wages , Employee fringe benefits -- South Africa , Collective bargaining -- South Africa
Language: English
Type: text , pamphlet
Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111129 , vital:33388
Description: A house that is built on a weak foundation cannot stand. The same is true of a union that is entering the negotiations. A union's foundations for effective and successful bargaining must be built a long time before the negotiations with the employer begins. Many unions fight hard to gain recognition with employers; and then fail miserably in negotiations because they did not make even the simplest basic preparations.
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