Careerism and capitalism as women’s emancipation: a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s ‘Athena Programme', South Africa
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Mosesi, Poloko Prudence
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Rand Merchant Bank (South Africa) , Women in economic development -- South Africa , Women in finance -- South Africa , Neoliberalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140344 , vital:37881
- Description: Against the backdrop of debates on feminism and neo– liberalism, this thesis presents a critical analysis of Rand Merchant Bank’s (RMB) Athena programme in South Africa – an award– winning programme run by women, which aims to develop women as senior managers – and of the type of feminism it represents, using a Marxist feminist theoretical framework. Rand Merchant Bank’s is one of the largest investment banks in Africa, part of the giant First Rand Group (FRG) alongside First National Bank (FNB) group. The thesis, based on a detailed case study using qualitative methods, argues that Athena is a very much product of its time: it advances the argument that if more women were in position of power, women in general would be free, and it views the problem of women’s oppression with an individualist lens, which focuses on attitudes and confidence. Athena, like many initiatives of the neo– liberal era, such as Sandberg’s Lean– In philosophy and the Nike Foundation’s ‘Girl Effect’ promote individual understanding and emancipation of women, which sees emancipation in terms of creating a neo– liberal subject that operates more effectively within a capitalist framework, sees capitalism as the solution – rather than the cause – of women’s unequal circumstance and ignores structural issues like class. In effect, Athena argues that the free market and big corporations are neutral tools that can answer the question of women equality, if only women had the correct attitudes, and so long as corporate hierarchies and profits are accepted as fair, and women are seen as an untapped resource that can be used in a ‘smart economics.’ What all these initiatives have in common is shifting the burden and responsibility to women without proper interrogation of the systems that perpetuate inequalities, and a trickle– down theory, according to which more women capitalists and more women in the ruling class will empower the women in the working class.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Views from the inside: An appraisal of the effectiveness of international NGOs as agents of development through a case study of Concern Universal’s Local Development Support Programme in Dedza District, Malawi
- Authors: Mussa, Khadija Sungeni
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1499 , vital:20063
- Description: Malawi, which became independent in 1964, attracted Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) from the early 1980s. Initially, NGO involvement was a response to the influx of refugees from neighbouring war-torn Mozambique. Since then, NGOs have been active in the development sector. Malawi, a small country, has widespread poverty, and has recently been in international headlines as a victim of floods, drought and food shortages. Economically unstable, with environmental problems, Malawi is in need of development assistance. NGOs have been centrally positioned in such efforts, but the academic literature on their role has been limited. NGO interventions in development efforts, generally, have been subject to controversy. While some argue that NGOs provide an essential means of development, especially where state capacity is limited, others argue that, with most NGOs headquartered or funded from abroad, their strategies and practices are often more accountable to external pressures than local needs. This thesis intervenes in these debates with a case study: with the aim of examining the sustainability, appropriateness, accountability and effectiveness of NGO projects, it looks at a project by the international NGO (INGO), Concern Universal (CU), which works in the central region in Dedza, Malawi. It examines the project, using fieldwork in three villages, looking at issues such as its use of participatory methods, relations with local government and village structures, capacity building methods, and donor relations. The thesis argues that (I)NGOs like CU exist in a conflicted situation: they have to remain in the good books of their donors, while, at the same time, maintaining accountability to their beneficiaries; they depend on their ability to manoeuvre through the conflict in order to ensure their continuity, and so, their impact is shaped by competing imperatives. CU has made a real impact on poverty alleviation efforts, but its methods and approaches are shaped by said competing imperatives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
- Authors: Mussa, Khadija Sungeni
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/1499 , vital:20063
- Description: Malawi, which became independent in 1964, attracted Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) from the early 1980s. Initially, NGO involvement was a response to the influx of refugees from neighbouring war-torn Mozambique. Since then, NGOs have been active in the development sector. Malawi, a small country, has widespread poverty, and has recently been in international headlines as a victim of floods, drought and food shortages. Economically unstable, with environmental problems, Malawi is in need of development assistance. NGOs have been centrally positioned in such efforts, but the academic literature on their role has been limited. NGO interventions in development efforts, generally, have been subject to controversy. While some argue that NGOs provide an essential means of development, especially where state capacity is limited, others argue that, with most NGOs headquartered or funded from abroad, their strategies and practices are often more accountable to external pressures than local needs. This thesis intervenes in these debates with a case study: with the aim of examining the sustainability, appropriateness, accountability and effectiveness of NGO projects, it looks at a project by the international NGO (INGO), Concern Universal (CU), which works in the central region in Dedza, Malawi. It examines the project, using fieldwork in three villages, looking at issues such as its use of participatory methods, relations with local government and village structures, capacity building methods, and donor relations. The thesis argues that (I)NGOs like CU exist in a conflicted situation: they have to remain in the good books of their donors, while, at the same time, maintaining accountability to their beneficiaries; they depend on their ability to manoeuvre through the conflict in order to ensure their continuity, and so, their impact is shaped by competing imperatives. CU has made a real impact on poverty alleviation efforts, but its methods and approaches are shaped by said competing imperatives.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2016
Challenges of post-apartheid state-owned company pension fund reform: a case study of the controversy around the Transnet-Transport Pension Fund
- Authors: Goqoza, Noluyolo Juliet
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/54766 , vital:26610
- Description: This thesis examines the restructuring of the pension funds of Transnet, a South African state-owned company involved in transportation, from the 1990s. Two of its main pension funds, the Transport-Transnet Pension sub-Fund (TTPF) and the Transnet Second Defined Benefit Fund (TSDBF), have been surrounded by controversy, with major court actions brought by aggrieved pensioners in 2006-2012 and again from 2013, and smaller cases in 1997-1999 and 2004. (There were also a number of smaller cases, mostly unsuccessful, but the thesis will not examine them). The case that started in 2013 is the biggest class action in the country‟s history, and makes claims of serious mismanagement and bad faith against the Transnet management. But the fundamental grievance is that (according to the 2013 legal case) “more than 80% of pensioners earn less than R4 000.00 a month… 62 % earn less than R2 500.00… 45% of the pensioners earn less than the state‟s ordinary old-age pension” grant for the poor. Although that case is ongoing, this thesis examines the background and controversies that frame the case. It provides an overview of the history and development of the South African pensions system and South African state-owned companies; it examines how these have been shaped by the apartheid and post-apartheid periods, and by the rise of neo-liberalism; it examines the evolution of Transnet and its pensions systems, from the early days of the South African Railways and Harbours Administration (SAR&H, formed 1910), to its restructuring into the South African Transport Services (SATS) in 1982, and then into Transnet in 1990. The thesis shows that the operations of the TTPF and TSDBF, which are closed to new members, have had serious effects on pensioners that rely upon them. Pensions are very low (the main reason for the various court cases), and this is for a range of reasons. Annual increases in pensions are formally set at below-inflation levels, leading to falling real incomes. More pressure on pensioners‟ livelihoods has arisen from Transnet‟s cuts to other benefits, like the medical aid Transmed, provided to pensioners. While the schemes are solvent, the pensions generally started at a low base, partly because most pensioners were relatively poorly paid workers before retirement (and the pensions were linked to former salaries). There is also a racial dimension: while most white workers at SAR&H/ SATS and Transnet were poorly paid, black, Coloured and Indian workers were paid even worse, and, further, were only brought into the pension schemes late. Both TTPF and TSDBF are defined benefit funds, which means members are guaranteed specific benefits at retirement, with the employer obligated to inject funds to meet shortfalls where needed. Yet neither the state nor Transnet has been willing to take actions to lift the basic pensions, such as investments into the funds, or to make systematic ex gratia payments to bring the pensions to a reasonable level, to remove historic racial inequalities between pensioners, to increase medical aid co-payments or coverage or to otherwise address the pensioners‟ situation. It does not seem that the reason for the problems is that the two funds have been severely mismanaged or asset-stripped, as alleged in the 2013 class action: it must be noted that both funds report surpluses. But the surpluses are possible because the pensions are low and falling in real terms, and the numbers of pensioners declining due to deaths. It seems clear that Transnet is unable or unwilling to act to decisively improve the situation of the pensioners: ensuring a surplus on existing pension funds is a major goal. This is partly because Transnet itself has ongoing financial problems, and partly because it operates in the context of neo-liberal restructuring, like corporatisation, commercialisation and privatisation, which places limits on the additional funding of the funds. At the same time, the pensioners have very little real, as opposed to a nominal, say in the administration of the pension schemes, limiting their ability to affect the rules and administration or raise issues. The thesis seeks to use historical institutionalism, which sees policies and major institutions, including state-owned companies, as shaped by power and conflict, especially between classes. This is used to try and explain changing state policies and the changing role and actions of state-owned companies, as a way of understanding Transnet‟s actions, as well as its treatment of its pensioners.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Goqoza, Noluyolo Juliet
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/54766 , vital:26610
- Description: This thesis examines the restructuring of the pension funds of Transnet, a South African state-owned company involved in transportation, from the 1990s. Two of its main pension funds, the Transport-Transnet Pension sub-Fund (TTPF) and the Transnet Second Defined Benefit Fund (TSDBF), have been surrounded by controversy, with major court actions brought by aggrieved pensioners in 2006-2012 and again from 2013, and smaller cases in 1997-1999 and 2004. (There were also a number of smaller cases, mostly unsuccessful, but the thesis will not examine them). The case that started in 2013 is the biggest class action in the country‟s history, and makes claims of serious mismanagement and bad faith against the Transnet management. But the fundamental grievance is that (according to the 2013 legal case) “more than 80% of pensioners earn less than R4 000.00 a month… 62 % earn less than R2 500.00… 45% of the pensioners earn less than the state‟s ordinary old-age pension” grant for the poor. Although that case is ongoing, this thesis examines the background and controversies that frame the case. It provides an overview of the history and development of the South African pensions system and South African state-owned companies; it examines how these have been shaped by the apartheid and post-apartheid periods, and by the rise of neo-liberalism; it examines the evolution of Transnet and its pensions systems, from the early days of the South African Railways and Harbours Administration (SAR&H, formed 1910), to its restructuring into the South African Transport Services (SATS) in 1982, and then into Transnet in 1990. The thesis shows that the operations of the TTPF and TSDBF, which are closed to new members, have had serious effects on pensioners that rely upon them. Pensions are very low (the main reason for the various court cases), and this is for a range of reasons. Annual increases in pensions are formally set at below-inflation levels, leading to falling real incomes. More pressure on pensioners‟ livelihoods has arisen from Transnet‟s cuts to other benefits, like the medical aid Transmed, provided to pensioners. While the schemes are solvent, the pensions generally started at a low base, partly because most pensioners were relatively poorly paid workers before retirement (and the pensions were linked to former salaries). There is also a racial dimension: while most white workers at SAR&H/ SATS and Transnet were poorly paid, black, Coloured and Indian workers were paid even worse, and, further, were only brought into the pension schemes late. Both TTPF and TSDBF are defined benefit funds, which means members are guaranteed specific benefits at retirement, with the employer obligated to inject funds to meet shortfalls where needed. Yet neither the state nor Transnet has been willing to take actions to lift the basic pensions, such as investments into the funds, or to make systematic ex gratia payments to bring the pensions to a reasonable level, to remove historic racial inequalities between pensioners, to increase medical aid co-payments or coverage or to otherwise address the pensioners‟ situation. It does not seem that the reason for the problems is that the two funds have been severely mismanaged or asset-stripped, as alleged in the 2013 class action: it must be noted that both funds report surpluses. But the surpluses are possible because the pensions are low and falling in real terms, and the numbers of pensioners declining due to deaths. It seems clear that Transnet is unable or unwilling to act to decisively improve the situation of the pensioners: ensuring a surplus on existing pension funds is a major goal. This is partly because Transnet itself has ongoing financial problems, and partly because it operates in the context of neo-liberal restructuring, like corporatisation, commercialisation and privatisation, which places limits on the additional funding of the funds. At the same time, the pensioners have very little real, as opposed to a nominal, say in the administration of the pension schemes, limiting their ability to affect the rules and administration or raise issues. The thesis seeks to use historical institutionalism, which sees policies and major institutions, including state-owned companies, as shaped by power and conflict, especially between classes. This is used to try and explain changing state policies and the changing role and actions of state-owned companies, as a way of understanding Transnet‟s actions, as well as its treatment of its pensioners.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Evaluating support service co-operation in the Netcare-Settlers public private partnership, Grahamstown, South Africa
- Authors: Mahote, Tulisa
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Settlers Hospital , Netcare 911 , Public-private sector cooperation -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Privatization -- South Africa , Medical care -- Privatization -- South Africa , Health services accessibility -- South Africa , Contracting out -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3408 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020834
- Description: The neo-liberal restructuring of state assets and facilities, which has taken place internationally over the past three decades, as well as in South Africa, has been a matter of great controversy. Privatisation, in particular, has been a polarising issue, especially when applied to fields like healthcare. Supporters of privatisation view it as cutting costs, mobilising funding, expertise and innovation, resulting in improved delivery, and opening possibilities for a spread of ownership. Critics claim the process involves retrenchments, declining services for the (poorer) majority of people, and a focus on the elites as citizens become transformed into customers, and with any economic empowerment going to the already prosperous. This thesis examines these issues by looking at the privatisation of hospitals in South Africa, with a case study of the Netcare-Settlers Public Private Partnership (PPP) (also known as the Settlers Private Hospital) in Grahamstown, South Africa. Netcare is South Africa’s largest private hospital company, and also has substantial operations in the United Kingdom. The thesis sets out the context: a highly inequitable healthcare system in the country, the rise of privatisation in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras, and healthcare privatisation. In terms of the Netcare-Settlers PPP, the thesis examines how the PPP was structured and developed, focusing on the impact of the PPP on non-clinical operations. The thesis argues that the results of the PPP are mixed, that it has greatly improved areas like facilities, maintenance, cleaning and catering, performed less well in increasing the doctor/ patient ratio or in attracting specialists, and is associated with the widespread and problematic use of outsourcing of service workers like cleaners and security. Overall, the PPP has improved healthcare, with some effective sharing of resources between the public and private parts of the hospital, but also relies on a pool of relatively low waged, under-unionised, labour. In terms of the general debate over privatisation, the Netcare-Settlers PPP shows that both supporters and critics have some valid points, and that privatisation in practice is not an either/ or, black/ white, good/ bad proposition, but something more complex. The success and failure of PPPs depend on the details of the contracts, and these can be used to maximise the performance of both the public and private partners. Better contracts may help avoid the uneven results seen at institutions like the Netcare-Settlers PPP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Mahote, Tulisa
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Settlers Hospital , Netcare 911 , Public-private sector cooperation -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Privatization -- South Africa , Medical care -- Privatization -- South Africa , Health services accessibility -- South Africa , Contracting out -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3408 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1020834
- Description: The neo-liberal restructuring of state assets and facilities, which has taken place internationally over the past three decades, as well as in South Africa, has been a matter of great controversy. Privatisation, in particular, has been a polarising issue, especially when applied to fields like healthcare. Supporters of privatisation view it as cutting costs, mobilising funding, expertise and innovation, resulting in improved delivery, and opening possibilities for a spread of ownership. Critics claim the process involves retrenchments, declining services for the (poorer) majority of people, and a focus on the elites as citizens become transformed into customers, and with any economic empowerment going to the already prosperous. This thesis examines these issues by looking at the privatisation of hospitals in South Africa, with a case study of the Netcare-Settlers Public Private Partnership (PPP) (also known as the Settlers Private Hospital) in Grahamstown, South Africa. Netcare is South Africa’s largest private hospital company, and also has substantial operations in the United Kingdom. The thesis sets out the context: a highly inequitable healthcare system in the country, the rise of privatisation in the apartheid and post-apartheid eras, and healthcare privatisation. In terms of the Netcare-Settlers PPP, the thesis examines how the PPP was structured and developed, focusing on the impact of the PPP on non-clinical operations. The thesis argues that the results of the PPP are mixed, that it has greatly improved areas like facilities, maintenance, cleaning and catering, performed less well in increasing the doctor/ patient ratio or in attracting specialists, and is associated with the widespread and problematic use of outsourcing of service workers like cleaners and security. Overall, the PPP has improved healthcare, with some effective sharing of resources between the public and private parts of the hospital, but also relies on a pool of relatively low waged, under-unionised, labour. In terms of the general debate over privatisation, the Netcare-Settlers PPP shows that both supporters and critics have some valid points, and that privatisation in practice is not an either/ or, black/ white, good/ bad proposition, but something more complex. The success and failure of PPPs depend on the details of the contracts, and these can be used to maximise the performance of both the public and private partners. Better contracts may help avoid the uneven results seen at institutions like the Netcare-Settlers PPP.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
The developmental impact of non-contributory social grants in South Africa : a study of Ezibeleni, Queenstown
- Authors: Xaba, Mzingaye Brilliant
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa , Poor -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Poverty -- South Africa -- Queenstown , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3402 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018919
- Description: Amartya Sen argued that poverty was the “deprivation” of the capability to lead a “good life”, therefore ending poverty meant meeting basic physical and social needs, and enabling meaningful economic and political choices. The principal objective of this research was to investigate whether (and if so, in what ways) post-apartheid state-provided non-contributory cash social grants in South Africa reduced “poverty” in Sen’s sense. This thesis used Ezibeleni, a historically black working class township at Queenstown, in the Eastern Cape, as a reference area. Using in-depth interviews, it found that social grants did help reduce poverty, both in terms of helping meet basic needs and enabling grant recipients to make more choices, including facilitating job searches and small businesses. However, it was also found that grants fall short of ending poverty, as the grants were too small to adequately cover basic needs in the context of large family sizes, a serious and long-term lack of resources, persistent unemployment, and high indebtedness, and could also enable only a limited expansion of choices. The grants played a positive role, but were inadequate to remove the “unfreedoms” facing the poor.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Xaba, Mzingaye Brilliant
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Economic assistance, Domestic -- South Africa , Poor -- South Africa -- Queenstown , Poverty -- South Africa -- Queenstown , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3402 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018919
- Description: Amartya Sen argued that poverty was the “deprivation” of the capability to lead a “good life”, therefore ending poverty meant meeting basic physical and social needs, and enabling meaningful economic and political choices. The principal objective of this research was to investigate whether (and if so, in what ways) post-apartheid state-provided non-contributory cash social grants in South Africa reduced “poverty” in Sen’s sense. This thesis used Ezibeleni, a historically black working class township at Queenstown, in the Eastern Cape, as a reference area. Using in-depth interviews, it found that social grants did help reduce poverty, both in terms of helping meet basic needs and enabling grant recipients to make more choices, including facilitating job searches and small businesses. However, it was also found that grants fall short of ending poverty, as the grants were too small to adequately cover basic needs in the context of large family sizes, a serious and long-term lack of resources, persistent unemployment, and high indebtedness, and could also enable only a limited expansion of choices. The grants played a positive role, but were inadequate to remove the “unfreedoms” facing the poor.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- «
- ‹
- 1
- ›
- »