Work in Progress Issue no.43 - Crossroads, The destruction of a symbol
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Aug 1986
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111293 , vital:33430
- Description: During May and June of this year, one of the most brutal forced removals of squatter communities took place in the Cape Peninsula. In two separate, but related, para-military operations, 'wit- doeke' from Old Crossroads and nearby Site C in Khayelitsha, allegedly with SADF and SAP support, rid the area of the four most coherent and resistant squatter communities in the Peninsula - Nyanga Bush, Nyanga Extension, Portland Cement and KTC. Along with their destruction went the image of Crossroads as a symbol of defiance and resistance to state strategies of removal; and the dream of progressives to incorporate Crossroads into their political movement. What follows provides background to the recent conflict in the Crossroads complex and aims to stimulate debate on broader political issues confronting the progressive movement in the Cape Peninsula. For political opponents of apartheid, the recent removals and pivotal role of 'wit-doeke' have been both a military and political defeat. Valuable lessons for future political practice and involvement in squatter struggles may be learned in the process of reflection and debate.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Aug 1986
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Aug 1986
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111293 , vital:33430
- Description: During May and June of this year, one of the most brutal forced removals of squatter communities took place in the Cape Peninsula. In two separate, but related, para-military operations, 'wit- doeke' from Old Crossroads and nearby Site C in Khayelitsha, allegedly with SADF and SAP support, rid the area of the four most coherent and resistant squatter communities in the Peninsula - Nyanga Bush, Nyanga Extension, Portland Cement and KTC. Along with their destruction went the image of Crossroads as a symbol of defiance and resistance to state strategies of removal; and the dream of progressives to incorporate Crossroads into their political movement. What follows provides background to the recent conflict in the Crossroads complex and aims to stimulate debate on broader political issues confronting the progressive movement in the Cape Peninsula. For political opponents of apartheid, the recent removals and pivotal role of 'wit-doeke' have been both a military and political defeat. Valuable lessons for future political practice and involvement in squatter struggles may be learned in the process of reflection and debate.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Aug 1986
Work in Progress Issue no.59 - Roads to congress
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: July 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112078 , vital:33545
- Description: South Africa is moving into its fourth year of continuous emergency rule. And with the exception of a few months during 1986, some areas are entering their fifth year under these conditions. The effects of permanent emergency rule have been traumatic and wide ranging. Under emergency rule, a fundamentally anti-democratic state has been able to impose itself on an unwilling people without being subject to scrutiny, discussion or legal opposition. And while South Africa pre-emergency had almost none of the rights and freedoms associated with democracy, the last few years have stripped society of the last vestiges of rule by consent. The nature of the emergency has changed. It began as an aggressive attack on the mass democratic movement and the situation of 'ungovernability' that popular insurrection created. It has changed to become an all-encompassing political strategy, a last defence against ideas which refuse to die. For while organisations have been smashed, the ideas and aspirations which grew from the turbulent early 1980s are showing signs of re-emerging. In this context it may well be true that this government cannot rule without recourse to emergency powers of enormous magnitude. It may also be true that suppression of information, debate and opposition, and unrestrained powers for security forces, are a necessary precondition for an apartheid government to rule a subject people. Government sources have often argued that emergency powers are designed to create a stable context for 'reform'. But what reforms of substance have been offered since the first emergency was declared in July 1985? Looking nervously over a shoulder at far-right interests threatened by the most superficial aspects of deracialisation is hardly an indication of reform. Proposals for a consultative council incorporating Africans are not only tired and bankrupt. Their uncomfortable similarities to the 'toy telephone' Native Representative Council of the 1940s ensures that even the most moderate of black interests will spurn such ideas. Only the discredited, the opportunistic, or those with no following or power base can contemplate participation. Emergency rule - like so many of the preconditions for maintaining apartheid - has created further disease and distortion in society. When the state's institutions of repression - notably police and military - have the free reign granted by emergency powers, it is no surprise that death squads operate seemingly without reprisals. When members of the 'security forces' have the power to incarcerate apartheid's opponents indefinitely, it is no surprise that assassinations, abductions and 'dirty tricks' departments flourish as additional means to remove organised opposition and resistence. It is six weeks since David Webster's death swelled the growing record of political assassinations, assaults and abductions. Over 12 years of publishing, David was a good friend to Work In Progress, writing for, distributing and supporting the publication. Fie was guest speaker at WIP's tenth anniversary celebration. And while police seem unable to find those specifically responsible for his murder, those who have created the atmosphere of emergency rule are the real culprits. It is but one small step from exercising legal powers to detain, ban and suppress, to the extra-legal actions of assassination and terror. Emergency rule will presumably continue until at least after the September general election. The National Party is keen to stay as far from the international spotlight as possible until after these elections. In particular, the new American administration, while clearly right wing, may have new and unpleasant approaches to sanctions and international pressure on South Africa. Internally, the opposition which can be generated in the election - be it from the far right or from those committed to democracy - clearly worries a government based on such shaky foundations. Government planners will still recall the organised resistance to the election of Indian and coloured houses which made such a mockery of the tricameral constitutional initiative. When a government, bankrupt in ideas and initiative's bent on holding power for its own sake - and has means like the state of emergency to enforce is rule - the prospects for any constructive negotiated change are indeed bleak.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1989
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: July 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112078 , vital:33545
- Description: South Africa is moving into its fourth year of continuous emergency rule. And with the exception of a few months during 1986, some areas are entering their fifth year under these conditions. The effects of permanent emergency rule have been traumatic and wide ranging. Under emergency rule, a fundamentally anti-democratic state has been able to impose itself on an unwilling people without being subject to scrutiny, discussion or legal opposition. And while South Africa pre-emergency had almost none of the rights and freedoms associated with democracy, the last few years have stripped society of the last vestiges of rule by consent. The nature of the emergency has changed. It began as an aggressive attack on the mass democratic movement and the situation of 'ungovernability' that popular insurrection created. It has changed to become an all-encompassing political strategy, a last defence against ideas which refuse to die. For while organisations have been smashed, the ideas and aspirations which grew from the turbulent early 1980s are showing signs of re-emerging. In this context it may well be true that this government cannot rule without recourse to emergency powers of enormous magnitude. It may also be true that suppression of information, debate and opposition, and unrestrained powers for security forces, are a necessary precondition for an apartheid government to rule a subject people. Government sources have often argued that emergency powers are designed to create a stable context for 'reform'. But what reforms of substance have been offered since the first emergency was declared in July 1985? Looking nervously over a shoulder at far-right interests threatened by the most superficial aspects of deracialisation is hardly an indication of reform. Proposals for a consultative council incorporating Africans are not only tired and bankrupt. Their uncomfortable similarities to the 'toy telephone' Native Representative Council of the 1940s ensures that even the most moderate of black interests will spurn such ideas. Only the discredited, the opportunistic, or those with no following or power base can contemplate participation. Emergency rule - like so many of the preconditions for maintaining apartheid - has created further disease and distortion in society. When the state's institutions of repression - notably police and military - have the free reign granted by emergency powers, it is no surprise that death squads operate seemingly without reprisals. When members of the 'security forces' have the power to incarcerate apartheid's opponents indefinitely, it is no surprise that assassinations, abductions and 'dirty tricks' departments flourish as additional means to remove organised opposition and resistence. It is six weeks since David Webster's death swelled the growing record of political assassinations, assaults and abductions. Over 12 years of publishing, David was a good friend to Work In Progress, writing for, distributing and supporting the publication. Fie was guest speaker at WIP's tenth anniversary celebration. And while police seem unable to find those specifically responsible for his murder, those who have created the atmosphere of emergency rule are the real culprits. It is but one small step from exercising legal powers to detain, ban and suppress, to the extra-legal actions of assassination and terror. Emergency rule will presumably continue until at least after the September general election. The National Party is keen to stay as far from the international spotlight as possible until after these elections. In particular, the new American administration, while clearly right wing, may have new and unpleasant approaches to sanctions and international pressure on South Africa. Internally, the opposition which can be generated in the election - be it from the far right or from those committed to democracy - clearly worries a government based on such shaky foundations. Government planners will still recall the organised resistance to the election of Indian and coloured houses which made such a mockery of the tricameral constitutional initiative. When a government, bankrupt in ideas and initiative's bent on holding power for its own sake - and has means like the state of emergency to enforce is rule - the prospects for any constructive negotiated change are indeed bleak.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: July 1989
Work in Progress Issue no.5 - Strike - Isithebe
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: June 1978
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111322 , vital:33436
- Description: EARLY IN 1973 industrial unrest broke out in Natal, mainly in the Durban—Pinetown—New Germany industrial complex. Approximately 80 000 black, mainly African, workers went out on strike for higher wages, paralysing industry and commerce in Natal and introducing urgency into debate on possible incorporationist strategy towards the working class - insofar as this is possible in South Africa. Although strikes have been a regular feature of struggle in the years since then, the numbers of workers involved in strikes have declined. Figures are extremely dubious because of the various definitions given to strike action and the number of unreported occurrences, but some idea of the decrease may be gained from official statistics: 1973 - 246 strikes (African workers only), 1974 - 194 strikes involving 38 961 workers, 1975 - 123 strikes involving 12 451 workers, 1976 113 strikes involving 16 170 workers. Since 1973, however, conflict has increasingly moved into the political/military and ideological fields and has taken place around many issues unconnected with directly economic demands. That many of these issues can be fairly easily traced, at least in part, to the economic crisis in South Africa is not being denied. These issues have included Black Consciousness demonstrations — the Biko and Sobukwe funerals — ; Bantu Education — June 1976 and its aftermath - ; rent and bus protests; bomb attacks and political assassinations; armed incursions from across the borders by black South Africans; squatter protests; etc.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: June 1978
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: June 1978
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111322 , vital:33436
- Description: EARLY IN 1973 industrial unrest broke out in Natal, mainly in the Durban—Pinetown—New Germany industrial complex. Approximately 80 000 black, mainly African, workers went out on strike for higher wages, paralysing industry and commerce in Natal and introducing urgency into debate on possible incorporationist strategy towards the working class - insofar as this is possible in South Africa. Although strikes have been a regular feature of struggle in the years since then, the numbers of workers involved in strikes have declined. Figures are extremely dubious because of the various definitions given to strike action and the number of unreported occurrences, but some idea of the decrease may be gained from official statistics: 1973 - 246 strikes (African workers only), 1974 - 194 strikes involving 38 961 workers, 1975 - 123 strikes involving 12 451 workers, 1976 113 strikes involving 16 170 workers. Since 1973, however, conflict has increasingly moved into the political/military and ideological fields and has taken place around many issues unconnected with directly economic demands. That many of these issues can be fairly easily traced, at least in part, to the economic crisis in South Africa is not being denied. These issues have included Black Consciousness demonstrations — the Biko and Sobukwe funerals — ; Bantu Education — June 1976 and its aftermath - ; rent and bus protests; bomb attacks and political assassinations; armed incursions from across the borders by black South Africans; squatter protests; etc.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: June 1978
Work in Progress Issue no.4 - The Swaziland connection
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: April 1978
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111282 , vital:33428
- Description: This is the 4th issue of Work in Progress, and the editors would like to bring a few matters to the attention of readers and contributors. Language: We have received a number of critical comments, suggesting that some of the language used in WIP articles is unnecessarily complex and specialised. Unfortunately, these criticisms do not always refer to the same articles, and this suggests that what may be comprehensible and useful to one group, appears as academic jargon to another. This does not, however, absolve the editors or contributors from the responsibility of writing clearly and concisely, and avoiding unnecessarily technical terms. It should also be noted, however, that some of the issues WIP deals with are complex, and oversimplification would not allow one to do justice to that complexity. Contributors have a duty to explain the concepts and ideas they use, and to write lucidly; readers have a reciprocal duty to make the efforts to situate the language used within the debates and analysis offered. If readers who are worried about language used in WIP articles could contribute specific criticisms, this would assist greatly in the production of a more readable publication. Finances: WIP has no source of income, other than money returned from the distribution of issues. Thus far, the 4 issues produced have been paid for by individuals, and the amount recouped has been considerably less than the initial outlay. We do ask that, when you receive your copy, you contribute an amount of 50 cents to the person distributing, which would then be passed on to the editors. We also appeal to those individuals who are salary earners to consider becoming donor members of WIP. This entails contributing a minimum of R3 per month to the publication. In return the donor will receive a copy of every WIP produced. This will allow us to build up a secure financial footing for the production of future issues. Contributions can be sent to the editorial address below. Contributions: In this issue we carry an article on Swaziland. This is a small contribution to what we hope will become a growing debate on the nature and consequences of intensified conflict in southern Africa. We appeal for contributions, especially on issues like southern Africa, the state, security trials and other regular features in WIP. The nature of the publication, its sub-divisions and format, make it very easy to contribute, and we insist that there are many people with ideas and information worth sharing who are not doing so. Contributions and correspondence should be sent to the address which appears below. Distribution: We want WIP to reach a large range of groups involved in divergent forms of activity. If you have access to a group of people - who may be your close friends, or an organisation - and feel willing to distribute a certain number of each issue of WIP, please contact the editors, and this can be arranged. We do ask, however, that if this is done, you attempt to recover 50 cents an issue from those who can afford it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: April 1978
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: April 1978
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/111282 , vital:33428
- Description: This is the 4th issue of Work in Progress, and the editors would like to bring a few matters to the attention of readers and contributors. Language: We have received a number of critical comments, suggesting that some of the language used in WIP articles is unnecessarily complex and specialised. Unfortunately, these criticisms do not always refer to the same articles, and this suggests that what may be comprehensible and useful to one group, appears as academic jargon to another. This does not, however, absolve the editors or contributors from the responsibility of writing clearly and concisely, and avoiding unnecessarily technical terms. It should also be noted, however, that some of the issues WIP deals with are complex, and oversimplification would not allow one to do justice to that complexity. Contributors have a duty to explain the concepts and ideas they use, and to write lucidly; readers have a reciprocal duty to make the efforts to situate the language used within the debates and analysis offered. If readers who are worried about language used in WIP articles could contribute specific criticisms, this would assist greatly in the production of a more readable publication. Finances: WIP has no source of income, other than money returned from the distribution of issues. Thus far, the 4 issues produced have been paid for by individuals, and the amount recouped has been considerably less than the initial outlay. We do ask that, when you receive your copy, you contribute an amount of 50 cents to the person distributing, which would then be passed on to the editors. We also appeal to those individuals who are salary earners to consider becoming donor members of WIP. This entails contributing a minimum of R3 per month to the publication. In return the donor will receive a copy of every WIP produced. This will allow us to build up a secure financial footing for the production of future issues. Contributions can be sent to the editorial address below. Contributions: In this issue we carry an article on Swaziland. This is a small contribution to what we hope will become a growing debate on the nature and consequences of intensified conflict in southern Africa. We appeal for contributions, especially on issues like southern Africa, the state, security trials and other regular features in WIP. The nature of the publication, its sub-divisions and format, make it very easy to contribute, and we insist that there are many people with ideas and information worth sharing who are not doing so. Contributions and correspondence should be sent to the address which appears below. Distribution: We want WIP to reach a large range of groups involved in divergent forms of activity. If you have access to a group of people - who may be your close friends, or an organisation - and feel willing to distribute a certain number of each issue of WIP, please contact the editors, and this can be arranged. We do ask, however, that if this is done, you attempt to recover 50 cents an issue from those who can afford it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: April 1978
Work in Progress Issue no.44 - Rent boycott councils retaliate
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Oct 1986
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/118611 , vital:34651
- Description: The themes of victory and defeat dominate this issue of Work In Progress. Despite the state of emergency, there have been some important recent popular victories. Popular pressure and massive resistance blocked proposed 'independence' for the KwaNdebele bantustan. The efforts needed to dissuade KwaNdebele Chief Minister Simon Skosana and his followers from accepting Pretoria-style independence were enormous. So were the costs: vigilante violence and torture, death and destruction, necklaces and burnings. Nonetheless, the blocking of KwaNdebele independence is a popular victory. Never before has pressure from below halted bantustan independence - not in the Transkei or Ciskei, Venda or Bophuthatswana. The massive wave of rent boycotts which began in the Vaal during 1984 have also involved some notable popular victories. In many townships the organisation necessary to sustain prolonged withdrawal of rent payments has strengthened and developed the structures of popular mobilisation. And the boycotts have totally destroyed the financial base of the discredited and rejected black local authorities, be they in the form of community or town councils. On the trade union front, many of the established industrial unions have shown remarkable strength under pressure. With leadership detained or in hiding, some unions have been able to carry on their task of organising the working class in a disciplined and democratic manner. But there have been defeats too. Undisciplined comrades, often acting with no organisational basis or mandate, have divided communities, setting workers against the unemployed, children against parents, trade unions against community groups. Some of the rent boycotts have been enforced with a high degree of anti-democratic authoritarianism. The youth has often acted without the necessary support from other townships groups, without the organisational structures necessary for democratic decision-making, and without adequate mandate or consultation. Recourse to 'discipline', - necklacings, beatings and other punishments - has come too easily to a group which often lacks a mandate to act on behalf of any major constituency. To claim success is a neccessary part of any broad progressive movement working to change society. But to admit defeat is as important. For it is the sign of a maturing politics which can learn from mistakes, and come back stronger from every failure. Defeat is as much part of political struggle as victory. Those who claim every activity, every campaign, every initiative as a victory do the progressive cause no good. Realistic assessments of strength and weakness, analysis and debate on failure, are part of the very process of building any powerful mass movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Oct 1986
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Oct 1986
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/118611 , vital:34651
- Description: The themes of victory and defeat dominate this issue of Work In Progress. Despite the state of emergency, there have been some important recent popular victories. Popular pressure and massive resistance blocked proposed 'independence' for the KwaNdebele bantustan. The efforts needed to dissuade KwaNdebele Chief Minister Simon Skosana and his followers from accepting Pretoria-style independence were enormous. So were the costs: vigilante violence and torture, death and destruction, necklaces and burnings. Nonetheless, the blocking of KwaNdebele independence is a popular victory. Never before has pressure from below halted bantustan independence - not in the Transkei or Ciskei, Venda or Bophuthatswana. The massive wave of rent boycotts which began in the Vaal during 1984 have also involved some notable popular victories. In many townships the organisation necessary to sustain prolonged withdrawal of rent payments has strengthened and developed the structures of popular mobilisation. And the boycotts have totally destroyed the financial base of the discredited and rejected black local authorities, be they in the form of community or town councils. On the trade union front, many of the established industrial unions have shown remarkable strength under pressure. With leadership detained or in hiding, some unions have been able to carry on their task of organising the working class in a disciplined and democratic manner. But there have been defeats too. Undisciplined comrades, often acting with no organisational basis or mandate, have divided communities, setting workers against the unemployed, children against parents, trade unions against community groups. Some of the rent boycotts have been enforced with a high degree of anti-democratic authoritarianism. The youth has often acted without the necessary support from other townships groups, without the organisational structures necessary for democratic decision-making, and without adequate mandate or consultation. Recourse to 'discipline', - necklacings, beatings and other punishments - has come too easily to a group which often lacks a mandate to act on behalf of any major constituency. To claim success is a neccessary part of any broad progressive movement working to change society. But to admit defeat is as important. For it is the sign of a maturing politics which can learn from mistakes, and come back stronger from every failure. Defeat is as much part of political struggle as victory. Those who claim every activity, every campaign, every initiative as a victory do the progressive cause no good. Realistic assessments of strength and weakness, analysis and debate on failure, are part of the very process of building any powerful mass movement.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Oct 1986
Work in Progress Issue no.61 - Defiance a measure of expectations
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Oct 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112056 , vital:33543
- Description: This is not the first time a South African government has reached a maize of crossroads. But this time, no matter which direction is taken, the path can only swing back to a single destination, signposted: give up power to the majority. This demand is made - with different degrees of intensity - from almost every sector of influence: internal political organisations, international superpowers, local and international capital, the frontline states, even the Democratic Party within its own parliament. The taste of liberal democracy implied by police non-intervention in some of the largest demonstrations yet seen in South African history raises difficult questions for De Klerk's government. Will it send in troops next time round, and if so, at what cost? Or will the government, faced with few choices and even less room to manoeuvre, allow more and more demonstrations from a majority implacably opposed to National Party rule. The answer must depend on the extent to which the government is willing to ignore international economic and political pressure. The nature of current resistance and defiance suggests that those with allegiance to the Mass Democratic Movement believe they have the government in a corner. There is no sign that action based on this belief will stop, and the sense of achievement generated by the 'Pretoria spring' of the mid-September marches will fuel this. The state's lack of options is compounded by the space these recent concessions may give popular political organisations to build spontaneous mass mobilisation into directed and thoughtful political programmes - precisely what years of emergency rule were designed to avoid. This could yet lead to an intensified period of repression. Popular resistance and expectations are fuelled by an increasingly politicised labour movement integrated into political organisations in a way they never were in the turmoil of the 1970s and early 1980s. This 'unity in action' will ensure that the push to end minority rule occurs on the factory floor as well, sending ripples through the ranks of a capitalist class trapped between its employees and a state increasingly unable to guarantee capitalist interests. The ANC, in lobbying international forums to get its basic conditions for negotiation with Pretoria accepted, has succeeded in tapping into international desires to see resolution of the South African problem. In a changing international climate, the ANC is increasingly viewed as an organisation responsibly and thoughtfully representing the interests of the majority of South Africans. Against this, repression of those who demand basic human rights looks indefensible. The major powers involved in the 'negotiation push' are keen to rid South Africa of its 'apartheid problem'. Their major commitment is to a stable, majority government, with some form of capitalist economy. And while international governments' attitudes to sanctions vary, this pressure is growing. Sanctions will not bring down the economy or the government. But they will continue to limit the South African government's options in its strategies for holding power. Namibia, on the eve of independence, adds impetus to the feel ing that transfer of power in South Africa - possibly peaceful - may be attainable. The National Party programme of 'reform' demonstrates the impossibility of holding onto power while moving away from apartheid and minority rule. The minimum demands of the majority of South Africans remain more than the current government can consider. At every turn, the Nationalist government demonstrates that its tactics are born of reaction rather than a thoughtful strategy. It puts out the fires of resistance as and when they arise, and with little consistency in tactics. Sometimes guns are used and police are allowed free reign, while at other times there are attempts at containment. De Klerk's government may well be able to manage a holding operation, governing in the sense of maintaining partial control of society. But in the longer term, it has few real options. For at core, meeting the minimum demands of those creating the pressure - be they international powers or popular resistance forces - means relinquishing political power. Those who currently hold state power can react to mounting pressures in varying ways. But they do not have the space or options to act decisively in structuring the society to which they are responding. What remains unclear is the precise point at which the costs, in terms of political resistance, international pressure and economic decline, will become overwhelming. And equally unclear is how great these costs will be in bringing the government to that point.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Oct 1989
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Oct 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112056 , vital:33543
- Description: This is not the first time a South African government has reached a maize of crossroads. But this time, no matter which direction is taken, the path can only swing back to a single destination, signposted: give up power to the majority. This demand is made - with different degrees of intensity - from almost every sector of influence: internal political organisations, international superpowers, local and international capital, the frontline states, even the Democratic Party within its own parliament. The taste of liberal democracy implied by police non-intervention in some of the largest demonstrations yet seen in South African history raises difficult questions for De Klerk's government. Will it send in troops next time round, and if so, at what cost? Or will the government, faced with few choices and even less room to manoeuvre, allow more and more demonstrations from a majority implacably opposed to National Party rule. The answer must depend on the extent to which the government is willing to ignore international economic and political pressure. The nature of current resistance and defiance suggests that those with allegiance to the Mass Democratic Movement believe they have the government in a corner. There is no sign that action based on this belief will stop, and the sense of achievement generated by the 'Pretoria spring' of the mid-September marches will fuel this. The state's lack of options is compounded by the space these recent concessions may give popular political organisations to build spontaneous mass mobilisation into directed and thoughtful political programmes - precisely what years of emergency rule were designed to avoid. This could yet lead to an intensified period of repression. Popular resistance and expectations are fuelled by an increasingly politicised labour movement integrated into political organisations in a way they never were in the turmoil of the 1970s and early 1980s. This 'unity in action' will ensure that the push to end minority rule occurs on the factory floor as well, sending ripples through the ranks of a capitalist class trapped between its employees and a state increasingly unable to guarantee capitalist interests. The ANC, in lobbying international forums to get its basic conditions for negotiation with Pretoria accepted, has succeeded in tapping into international desires to see resolution of the South African problem. In a changing international climate, the ANC is increasingly viewed as an organisation responsibly and thoughtfully representing the interests of the majority of South Africans. Against this, repression of those who demand basic human rights looks indefensible. The major powers involved in the 'negotiation push' are keen to rid South Africa of its 'apartheid problem'. Their major commitment is to a stable, majority government, with some form of capitalist economy. And while international governments' attitudes to sanctions vary, this pressure is growing. Sanctions will not bring down the economy or the government. But they will continue to limit the South African government's options in its strategies for holding power. Namibia, on the eve of independence, adds impetus to the feel ing that transfer of power in South Africa - possibly peaceful - may be attainable. The National Party programme of 'reform' demonstrates the impossibility of holding onto power while moving away from apartheid and minority rule. The minimum demands of the majority of South Africans remain more than the current government can consider. At every turn, the Nationalist government demonstrates that its tactics are born of reaction rather than a thoughtful strategy. It puts out the fires of resistance as and when they arise, and with little consistency in tactics. Sometimes guns are used and police are allowed free reign, while at other times there are attempts at containment. De Klerk's government may well be able to manage a holding operation, governing in the sense of maintaining partial control of society. But in the longer term, it has few real options. For at core, meeting the minimum demands of those creating the pressure - be they international powers or popular resistance forces - means relinquishing political power. Those who currently hold state power can react to mounting pressures in varying ways. But they do not have the space or options to act decisively in structuring the society to which they are responding. What remains unclear is the precise point at which the costs, in terms of political resistance, international pressure and economic decline, will become overwhelming. And equally unclear is how great these costs will be in bringing the government to that point.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Oct 1989
Work in Progress Issue no.60 - Negotiations, another site of struggle
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Sep 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112067 , vital:33544
- Description: The air is thick with talk about negotiating South Africa's future. From the government of FW de Klerk and PW Botha to the rulers of England, the Soviet Union, the United States of America and West Germany; from the National and Democratic Parties to the ANC and SACP; from the 'mass democratic movement' to Inkatha, the Reserve Bank and those financial, commercial and industrial interests which make up South Africa's capitalist class: all have raised the vision of a negotiated settlement to the conflict over apartheid and South Africa's future. But matters are never that simple - especially in a conflict between interests which may be fundamentally opposed. Some years back, the ANC drew a distinction between 'talks' and 'negotiations' - a distinction which many commentators on South Africa seem unable to grasp. Additionally, serious analysts have noted that the idea and process of negotiation is itself an arena of struggle and contestation. This is true not only for opposition and anti-apartheid forces, but for the South African government itself. There is nothing predetermined or linear about a negotiation process - even if most parties are in agreement that, in principle, negotiated settlements are preferable to a 'fight to the death'. Negotiation is but one weapon in the arsenal of struggle-for all parties. Other weapons may-at various times - include armed force and military action, sanctions and international pressure, diplomacy and lobbying, destabilisation and disruption, mass politics and mobilisation, detentions, assassinations and vigilante activity. Many of these can be the tactics of struggle for the interests involved in the South African conflict: not only for the South African government, but also the Soviets, Americans or British; not only for the ANC and SACP, but also for Inkatha and the South African state's security apparatuses. And agreement in principle to negotiate is a long way from sitting across a table discussing the dismantling of apartheid and a postapartheid dispensation. Neither does a commitment to negotiations exclude the use of all tactics to create a climate most conducive to specific interests represented - be they the interests of white supremacy, imperialism, democracy, conservatism, capitalism or socialism. All the major actors involved in talking about negotiations know that well: it is only those who comment on and analyse their actions who often miss the point. For the ANC, then, there is no necessary contradiction between exploring negotiations and an armed struggle; For the SACP, working-class organisation, insurrectionary potentials and socialism are not contradicted by an agreement - at a particular point - to negotiate the dismantling of apartheid; For FW de Klerk, there is no conflict between the language of negotiation, a racial election and a state of emergency; For governments of other countries involved in the conflict, sanctions and international pressure on both the South African state and its anti-apartheid opponents do not run counter to a strategy of negotiations; And for Inkatha and its supporters, negotiations about peace in Natal seem compatible with a strategy of repressing all who fall outside their camp. These are the issues raised in a number of contributions to this edition of Work In Progress. All parties to the 'negotiation option' have contradictions to manage, suppress or overcome within their own ranks; all parties have the intention to create a climate most conducive to their interests and agendas; and all parties will, within the limits imposed by other forces operating on them, attempt to structure any negotiation process in favour of the interests they represent and champion. In this, they will utilise methods and tactics of struggle which appear to contradict a commitment to a negotiated settlement of South Africa's racial issues. There is nothing surprising in this: for negotiations themselves are a site of struggle, influencing and influenced by rhythms and developments in other areas and tactics of political struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Sep 1989
- Authors: Work in progress (WIP)
- Date: Sep 1989
- Subjects: WIP
- Language: English
- Type: text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/112067 , vital:33544
- Description: The air is thick with talk about negotiating South Africa's future. From the government of FW de Klerk and PW Botha to the rulers of England, the Soviet Union, the United States of America and West Germany; from the National and Democratic Parties to the ANC and SACP; from the 'mass democratic movement' to Inkatha, the Reserve Bank and those financial, commercial and industrial interests which make up South Africa's capitalist class: all have raised the vision of a negotiated settlement to the conflict over apartheid and South Africa's future. But matters are never that simple - especially in a conflict between interests which may be fundamentally opposed. Some years back, the ANC drew a distinction between 'talks' and 'negotiations' - a distinction which many commentators on South Africa seem unable to grasp. Additionally, serious analysts have noted that the idea and process of negotiation is itself an arena of struggle and contestation. This is true not only for opposition and anti-apartheid forces, but for the South African government itself. There is nothing predetermined or linear about a negotiation process - even if most parties are in agreement that, in principle, negotiated settlements are preferable to a 'fight to the death'. Negotiation is but one weapon in the arsenal of struggle-for all parties. Other weapons may-at various times - include armed force and military action, sanctions and international pressure, diplomacy and lobbying, destabilisation and disruption, mass politics and mobilisation, detentions, assassinations and vigilante activity. Many of these can be the tactics of struggle for the interests involved in the South African conflict: not only for the South African government, but also the Soviets, Americans or British; not only for the ANC and SACP, but also for Inkatha and the South African state's security apparatuses. And agreement in principle to negotiate is a long way from sitting across a table discussing the dismantling of apartheid and a postapartheid dispensation. Neither does a commitment to negotiations exclude the use of all tactics to create a climate most conducive to specific interests represented - be they the interests of white supremacy, imperialism, democracy, conservatism, capitalism or socialism. All the major actors involved in talking about negotiations know that well: it is only those who comment on and analyse their actions who often miss the point. For the ANC, then, there is no necessary contradiction between exploring negotiations and an armed struggle; For the SACP, working-class organisation, insurrectionary potentials and socialism are not contradicted by an agreement - at a particular point - to negotiate the dismantling of apartheid; For FW de Klerk, there is no conflict between the language of negotiation, a racial election and a state of emergency; For governments of other countries involved in the conflict, sanctions and international pressure on both the South African state and its anti-apartheid opponents do not run counter to a strategy of negotiations; And for Inkatha and its supporters, negotiations about peace in Natal seem compatible with a strategy of repressing all who fall outside their camp. These are the issues raised in a number of contributions to this edition of Work In Progress. All parties to the 'negotiation option' have contradictions to manage, suppress or overcome within their own ranks; all parties have the intention to create a climate most conducive to their interests and agendas; and all parties will, within the limits imposed by other forces operating on them, attempt to structure any negotiation process in favour of the interests they represent and champion. In this, they will utilise methods and tactics of struggle which appear to contradict a commitment to a negotiated settlement of South Africa's racial issues. There is nothing surprising in this: for negotiations themselves are a site of struggle, influencing and influenced by rhythms and developments in other areas and tactics of political struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: Sep 1989
The prevalence, uses and cultural assimilation of shrub and tree invasive alien plants in a biodiversity hotspot along the Wild Coast, South Africa
- Wootton, Oscar, Shackleton, Charlie M
- Authors: Wootton, Oscar , Shackleton, Charlie M
- Date: 2023
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/401314 , vital:69725 , xlink:href="https://doi.org/10.1080/26395916.2023.2216804"
- Description: Invasive alien plant species (IAPS) frequently offer both ecosystem services and disservices to rural communities with high livelihood dependency on local landscapes. However, biocultural relationships with IAPS may go deeper than just provisioning uses, as they may be assimilated into local belief systems manifest in them becoming embedded in cultural constructions such as naming, stories, songs and ceremonies. It is likely that IAPS that are culturally assimilated will represent a greater conflict of interest in the face of proposed controls of IAPS in biodiversity hotspots where conservation priorities are frequently deemed paramount by external agencies. Using a mixed-methods approach we undertook roadside surveys of 17 selected IAPS along the 250 km Wild Coast section of the Maputaland-Pondoland-Albany biodiversity hotspot, accompanied by questionnaire interviews with 48 local people. The mean number of IAPS per site was four, ranging from zero (only one site) to ten, and local inhabitants deemed the abundance of all but one of the species to be increasing. All species had been in the region for decades, had a vernacular name, and all but one had direct consumptive uses. Species with multiple uses were more widely recognised. However, there was only marginal incorporation of the IAPS into stories, songs and ceremonies, although medicinal uses of some IAPS were for cultural/spiritual needs rather than physical ailments per se. These results show that despite widespread use, there was as yet relatively limited cultural assimilation of the IAPS in the Wild Coast region.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023
- Authors: Wootton, Oscar , Shackleton, Charlie M
- Date: 2023
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/401314 , vital:69725 , xlink:href="https://doi.org/10.1080/26395916.2023.2216804"
- Description: Invasive alien plant species (IAPS) frequently offer both ecosystem services and disservices to rural communities with high livelihood dependency on local landscapes. However, biocultural relationships with IAPS may go deeper than just provisioning uses, as they may be assimilated into local belief systems manifest in them becoming embedded in cultural constructions such as naming, stories, songs and ceremonies. It is likely that IAPS that are culturally assimilated will represent a greater conflict of interest in the face of proposed controls of IAPS in biodiversity hotspots where conservation priorities are frequently deemed paramount by external agencies. Using a mixed-methods approach we undertook roadside surveys of 17 selected IAPS along the 250 km Wild Coast section of the Maputaland-Pondoland-Albany biodiversity hotspot, accompanied by questionnaire interviews with 48 local people. The mean number of IAPS per site was four, ranging from zero (only one site) to ten, and local inhabitants deemed the abundance of all but one of the species to be increasing. All species had been in the region for decades, had a vernacular name, and all but one had direct consumptive uses. Species with multiple uses were more widely recognised. However, there was only marginal incorporation of the IAPS into stories, songs and ceremonies, although medicinal uses of some IAPS were for cultural/spiritual needs rather than physical ailments per se. These results show that despite widespread use, there was as yet relatively limited cultural assimilation of the IAPS in the Wild Coast region.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2023
Characterising the shared genetic influences between schizophrenia and subcortical brain regions
- Wooton, Olivia, Campbell, Megan, Jahanshad, Neda, Thompson, Paul, Stein, Dan J, Dalvie, Shareefa
- Authors: Wooton, Olivia , Campbell, Megan , Jahanshad, Neda , Thompson, Paul , Stein, Dan J , Dalvie, Shareefa
- Date: 2022
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/302450 , vital:58197 , xlink:href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.euroneuro.2022.07.533"
- Description: Background: Abnormalities in brain structural volumes are well established in schizophrenia (SZ) and have been proposed as an endophenotype for the disorder. Despite increasing interest in the genetic relationship between brain structural volumes and SZ, our knowledge of the genetic overlap between the phenotypes is limited. This study aims to extend our current understanding of the shared genetic influences between SZ and subcortical brain volumes using data from the latest genome-wide association studies for the respective phenotypes (GWAS) and novel statistical approaches. Additionally, we will explore whether the association between schizophrenia and abnormal regional brain volumes is causal in nature. Methods: Summary statistics were obtained from the largest Psychiatric Genomic Consortium (PGC)-SZ GWAS (Ncase = 69,369, Ncontrol = 236,642) and the CHARGEENIGMA-UKBB GWAS of volumetric measures for eight subcortical brain regions (the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, brainstem, caudate nucleus, hippocampus, globus pallidus, putamen, and thalamus), and total intracranial volume (N = 30,983 - 40,380). Single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) effect concordance analysis (SECA) was used to assess pleiotropy and concordance. Genetic correlation was assessed using linkage disequilibrium score regression (LDSR) and the pleiotropy informed conditional FDR approach was applied to identify SNPs associated with SZ conditional on their association with subcortical brain volumes. Mendelian randomization (MR) was used to test for causal association between SZ and each brain region. Results: There was evidence of global pleiotropy between SZ, and all examined subcortical brain regions. Inverse concordance between the genetic determinants of SZ and volumes of the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, brainstem, hippocampus, and thalamus was observed. Increased statistical power to detect SZ risk loci was shown when conditioning on subcortical brain volumes. There was no significant evidence for a causal effect of any of the examined brain regions on schizophrenia risk. Discussion: These data confirm the shared genetic basis of SZ and specific intracranial and subcortical brain volumes and provide evidence for negative concordance between SZ and volumes of the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, brainstem, hippocampus, and thalamus. Leveraging the genetic overlap between SZ and subcortical brain volumes has the potential to provide novel insights into the biological basis of the disorder.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022
- Authors: Wooton, Olivia , Campbell, Megan , Jahanshad, Neda , Thompson, Paul , Stein, Dan J , Dalvie, Shareefa
- Date: 2022
- Subjects: To be catalogued
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/302450 , vital:58197 , xlink:href="https://doi.org/10.1016/j.euroneuro.2022.07.533"
- Description: Background: Abnormalities in brain structural volumes are well established in schizophrenia (SZ) and have been proposed as an endophenotype for the disorder. Despite increasing interest in the genetic relationship between brain structural volumes and SZ, our knowledge of the genetic overlap between the phenotypes is limited. This study aims to extend our current understanding of the shared genetic influences between SZ and subcortical brain volumes using data from the latest genome-wide association studies for the respective phenotypes (GWAS) and novel statistical approaches. Additionally, we will explore whether the association between schizophrenia and abnormal regional brain volumes is causal in nature. Methods: Summary statistics were obtained from the largest Psychiatric Genomic Consortium (PGC)-SZ GWAS (Ncase = 69,369, Ncontrol = 236,642) and the CHARGEENIGMA-UKBB GWAS of volumetric measures for eight subcortical brain regions (the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, brainstem, caudate nucleus, hippocampus, globus pallidus, putamen, and thalamus), and total intracranial volume (N = 30,983 - 40,380). Single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) effect concordance analysis (SECA) was used to assess pleiotropy and concordance. Genetic correlation was assessed using linkage disequilibrium score regression (LDSR) and the pleiotropy informed conditional FDR approach was applied to identify SNPs associated with SZ conditional on their association with subcortical brain volumes. Mendelian randomization (MR) was used to test for causal association between SZ and each brain region. Results: There was evidence of global pleiotropy between SZ, and all examined subcortical brain regions. Inverse concordance between the genetic determinants of SZ and volumes of the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, brainstem, hippocampus, and thalamus was observed. Increased statistical power to detect SZ risk loci was shown when conditioning on subcortical brain volumes. There was no significant evidence for a causal effect of any of the examined brain regions on schizophrenia risk. Discussion: These data confirm the shared genetic basis of SZ and specific intracranial and subcortical brain volumes and provide evidence for negative concordance between SZ and volumes of the nucleus accumbens, amygdala, brainstem, hippocampus, and thalamus. Leveraging the genetic overlap between SZ and subcortical brain volumes has the potential to provide novel insights into the biological basis of the disorder.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022
Exploring the use of in vitro colorimetric and bioluminescence assays to distinguish between Arf GTPase isoforms and detect Arf GTPase activity
- Authors: Woolf, Alexander Robert
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192582 , vital:45240
- Description: Thesis (MSc) -- Faculty of Science, Biochemistry and Microbiology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Woolf, Alexander Robert
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192582 , vital:45240
- Description: Thesis (MSc) -- Faculty of Science, Biochemistry and Microbiology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
Port performance and the unexplored perceptions linked to operational outputs
- Authors: Woods, Ryan
- Date: 2022-04
- Subjects: Container terminals , Pressure vessels
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/58257 , vital:58801
- Description: The role that container terminals play in global trade and building the economies of many countries, requires high levels of performance and efficient turnaround of container vessels. High performance entails providing fast, reliable and efficient port services which is a non-negotiable pre-requisite from the port’s customers. Existing port customers are the shipping lines that make use of the port systems to service their own respective business customers that make use of their shipping services. Transnet and more specifically, Ngqura Container Terminal (NCT) has always been known for providing fast, reliable and efficient port services since its opening in October 2009, with new state of the art equipment and the latest in port operating systems. Fast forward twelve years later and a steady decline in port performance and port efficiencies over the years, has led to numerous outcries from port users and the industry as a whole. Shipping lines are not satisfied with current performance levels and other port users such as trucking companies struggle with bad port performance and efficiencies. This prompted the need to look into why the performance levels has been steadily declining over the past few years. With increased pressure from shipping lines and other stakeholders, there is a glaring need to improve on port performance and efficiencies if NCT is to maintain the business it currently has. Change is also necessary for it to compete for new business which is one of the reasons that prompted this research study. A literature study and a survey questionnaire make up the main input for this research as well as interviews with key operations and planning managers. The purpose of the research was to explore the non-technical factors perceived by NCT operational and planning staff, to have an impact on port performance and the decline thereof. This study focused on the perceptions of NCT’s operational and planning staff of port performance and the perceived impact that reward and recognition, rest periods, job design and leadership have on that performance levels. The methodology used in the research is a mixed-method approach with the quantitative portion underpinned by a survey questionnaire and the iv qualitative portion underpinned by interviews conducted with key management staff. The data was measured and interpreted using descriptive statistics and analysis of the mean scores. The Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient was used to determine if there were relationships between the factors and the significance of those relationships, if any. An Anova analysis was done on the mean score answer of each category of operational staff in the quantitative sample, to determine if the mean score of the different operational categories in my sample are statistically significantly different from each other. The need for drastic improvement of performance outputs in Transnet and more specifically NCT has been highlighted throughout the research as it is of critical importance due to the nature of NCT’s business model of being a transhipment hub. This study has contributed positively by demonstrating the operational staffers and management’s willing responses in an effort to improve performance outputs on both technical and non-technical levels. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Business and Economic science, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04
- Authors: Woods, Ryan
- Date: 2022-04
- Subjects: Container terminals , Pressure vessels
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/58257 , vital:58801
- Description: The role that container terminals play in global trade and building the economies of many countries, requires high levels of performance and efficient turnaround of container vessels. High performance entails providing fast, reliable and efficient port services which is a non-negotiable pre-requisite from the port’s customers. Existing port customers are the shipping lines that make use of the port systems to service their own respective business customers that make use of their shipping services. Transnet and more specifically, Ngqura Container Terminal (NCT) has always been known for providing fast, reliable and efficient port services since its opening in October 2009, with new state of the art equipment and the latest in port operating systems. Fast forward twelve years later and a steady decline in port performance and port efficiencies over the years, has led to numerous outcries from port users and the industry as a whole. Shipping lines are not satisfied with current performance levels and other port users such as trucking companies struggle with bad port performance and efficiencies. This prompted the need to look into why the performance levels has been steadily declining over the past few years. With increased pressure from shipping lines and other stakeholders, there is a glaring need to improve on port performance and efficiencies if NCT is to maintain the business it currently has. Change is also necessary for it to compete for new business which is one of the reasons that prompted this research study. A literature study and a survey questionnaire make up the main input for this research as well as interviews with key operations and planning managers. The purpose of the research was to explore the non-technical factors perceived by NCT operational and planning staff, to have an impact on port performance and the decline thereof. This study focused on the perceptions of NCT’s operational and planning staff of port performance and the perceived impact that reward and recognition, rest periods, job design and leadership have on that performance levels. The methodology used in the research is a mixed-method approach with the quantitative portion underpinned by a survey questionnaire and the iv qualitative portion underpinned by interviews conducted with key management staff. The data was measured and interpreted using descriptive statistics and analysis of the mean scores. The Pearson’s Correlation Coefficient was used to determine if there were relationships between the factors and the significance of those relationships, if any. An Anova analysis was done on the mean score answer of each category of operational staff in the quantitative sample, to determine if the mean score of the different operational categories in my sample are statistically significantly different from each other. The need for drastic improvement of performance outputs in Transnet and more specifically NCT has been highlighted throughout the research as it is of critical importance due to the nature of NCT’s business model of being a transhipment hub. This study has contributed positively by demonstrating the operational staffers and management’s willing responses in an effort to improve performance outputs on both technical and non-technical levels. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Business and Economic science, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04
Science after a century at Rhodes University
- Authors: Woods, D R
- Date: 2004
- Language: English
- Type: Article , text
- Identifier: vital:7123 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006584
- Description: Rhodes Centenary issue , The small University of Rhodes (6142 students), in the rural city of Grahamstown, was established in 1904 as a result of a £50 000 grant from the Rhodes Trust in Oxford. It grew out of St Andrew’s College, which provided the first four professors and 41 students. The first paper from Rhodes in the South African Journal of Science (then called the Report of the South African Association for the Advancement of Science) was by Selmar Schonland, one of the university’s founding fathers. Entitled: ‘Biological and ethnological observations on a trip to the N.E. Kalahari’, it appeared in 1904. The following pages provide a glimpse into the growth and achievements of various departments in the faculties of Science and Pharmacy and associated institutes a century after the university was born.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2004
- Authors: Woods, D R
- Date: 2004
- Language: English
- Type: Article , text
- Identifier: vital:7123 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006584
- Description: Rhodes Centenary issue , The small University of Rhodes (6142 students), in the rural city of Grahamstown, was established in 1904 as a result of a £50 000 grant from the Rhodes Trust in Oxford. It grew out of St Andrew’s College, which provided the first four professors and 41 students. The first paper from Rhodes in the South African Journal of Science (then called the Report of the South African Association for the Advancement of Science) was by Selmar Schonland, one of the university’s founding fathers. Entitled: ‘Biological and ethnological observations on a trip to the N.E. Kalahari’, it appeared in 1904. The following pages provide a glimpse into the growth and achievements of various departments in the faculties of Science and Pharmacy and associated institutes a century after the university was born.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2004
Bioavailability and activity of 0.1% amcinonide preparations: comparison with proprietary topical corticosteroid formulations of differing potencies
- Authors: Woodford, R , Haigh, John M
- Date: 1979
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: vital:6447 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006634
- Description: The activity of a 0.1% amcinonide cream was compared with those of selected proprietary topical corticosteroid formulations of potencies differing according to the United Kingdom (U.K.) MIMS classification (very potent, potent and moderately potent) using a standard six hour vasoconstrictor assay with multiple reading times. Statistical analysis indicated that 0.1% amcinonide cream feU within the category of a very potent preparation. Three 0.1% amcinonide formulations (cream, combination cream and combination ointment, the last two containing anti-infective agents) were equipotent in the skin-blanching test.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979
- Authors: Woodford, R , Haigh, John M
- Date: 1979
- Language: English
- Type: text , Article
- Identifier: vital:6447 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006634
- Description: The activity of a 0.1% amcinonide cream was compared with those of selected proprietary topical corticosteroid formulations of potencies differing according to the United Kingdom (U.K.) MIMS classification (very potent, potent and moderately potent) using a standard six hour vasoconstrictor assay with multiple reading times. Statistical analysis indicated that 0.1% amcinonide cream feU within the category of a very potent preparation. Three 0.1% amcinonide formulations (cream, combination cream and combination ointment, the last two containing anti-infective agents) were equipotent in the skin-blanching test.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1979
Perceptions of, and attitudes towards, varieties of English in the Cape Peninsula, with particular reference to the ʾcoloured communityʾ
- Authors: Wood, Tahir Muhammed
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: English language -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , English language -- Variation , Sociolinguistics -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2336 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002018
- Description: This study set out to analyse the concept of the ʾcoloured communityʾ and to describe the linguistic phenomena associated with it. It was found that the community was characterized by division and an overt rejection of 'coloured' identity. A satisfactory definition of the community could only be arrived at by exploring social psychological and anthropological concepts, particularly that of the social network, and a covert identification was postulated. This in turn was used to explain the linguistic phenomena which were found to be associated with the community. The latter included a vernacular dialect consisting of non-standard Afrikaans blended with English, as well as a stratification of particular items in the English spoken by community members . This stratification was analysed in terms of the social distribution of the items, enabling comparisons to be made with the English spoken by ʾwhitesʾ. A fieldwork study was embarked on with the intention of discovering the nature of the perceptions of, and attitudes towards, the idiolects of certain speakers. These idiolects were considered to be typical and representative of the forms of English normally encountered in the Cape Peninsula, and were described in terms of the co-occurrences of linguistic items which they contained. Tape recordings of the speech of this group of speakers were presented in a series of controlled experiments to subjects from various class and community backgrounds who were required to respond by completing questionnaires. It was found that those lects which contained items and co-occurrences of items peculiar to 'coloured' speakers were associated with lower status than those containing items and co-occurrences of items peculiar to 'white' speakers. Attitudes towards speakers were found to be more complex and depended upon the styles and paralanguage behaviours of the speakers, as well as accent, and also the psychological dispositions of the subjects who participated
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
- Authors: Wood, Tahir Muhammed
- Date: 1988
- Subjects: English language -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , English language -- Variation , Sociolinguistics -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2336 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002018
- Description: This study set out to analyse the concept of the ʾcoloured communityʾ and to describe the linguistic phenomena associated with it. It was found that the community was characterized by division and an overt rejection of 'coloured' identity. A satisfactory definition of the community could only be arrived at by exploring social psychological and anthropological concepts, particularly that of the social network, and a covert identification was postulated. This in turn was used to explain the linguistic phenomena which were found to be associated with the community. The latter included a vernacular dialect consisting of non-standard Afrikaans blended with English, as well as a stratification of particular items in the English spoken by community members . This stratification was analysed in terms of the social distribution of the items, enabling comparisons to be made with the English spoken by ʾwhitesʾ. A fieldwork study was embarked on with the intention of discovering the nature of the perceptions of, and attitudes towards, the idiolects of certain speakers. These idiolects were considered to be typical and representative of the forms of English normally encountered in the Cape Peninsula, and were described in terms of the co-occurrences of linguistic items which they contained. Tape recordings of the speech of this group of speakers were presented in a series of controlled experiments to subjects from various class and community backgrounds who were required to respond by completing questionnaires. It was found that those lects which contained items and co-occurrences of items peculiar to 'coloured' speakers were associated with lower status than those containing items and co-occurrences of items peculiar to 'white' speakers. Attitudes towards speakers were found to be more complex and depended upon the styles and paralanguage behaviours of the speakers, as well as accent, and also the psychological dispositions of the subjects who participated
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1988
Poor whites and the post-apartheid labour market: a study of perceptions and experiences of work among residents in a homeless shelter in Johannesburg
- Authors: Wollnik, Nadjeschda
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Poor whites -- South Africa , Poor whites -- South Africa -- Atitudes , Shelters for the homeless -- South Africa , Unemployed -- South Africa -- Attitudes , Unemployed -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/148540 , vital:38748
- Description: Despite historical precedents, poverty among white people in South Africa remains an anomaly and a paradox. Likewise, the perceptions of work and employment among poor (under- and unemployed) whites in contemporary South Africa have received scant attention in the scholarly literature. Using the conceptual frameworks of critical whiteness studies and segmented labour market theory – as a way of combining subjective and objective considerations – this research seeks to describe and explain the perceptions and experiences of the labour market among poor whites living in a homeless shelter in Johannesburg. Eight respondents were chosen for extended, in-depth interviews in an effort to develop a fine-grained understanding of the pre-existing circumstances that affected their access to information and thus shaped their choices in the labour market, as well as to ascertain what they believed to be the barriers that they face in the labour market. The findings varied, with most of the interviewees seeing ‘being white’ as the reason for their poverty and unemployment, while others exhibited some awareness of the role of their lack of skills and qualifications in their capacity to compete in higher segments of the labour market. The findings were also varied in the sense that not all interviewees experienced poverty in the same manner, with some having been part of the middle class prior to becoming poor, while others having been poor their entire lives. It was also found that class or socio-economic status seemed to have a greater impact than race on the labour market prospects of the interviewees. It is argued that the perceptions of these poor whites, which are informed by their lack of information about the workings of the labour market, rather than their lack of qualifications or their race, most affected their prospects in the labour market. The mechanisms they rely on when seeking employment reveal a poor knowledge of the local labour market and the ways in which they think their skillsets match up to the types of jobs they desire. The lack of understanding of the South African labour market and the policies that are in place to redress the legacies of apartheid are among the factors influencing the lack of success these poor whites are experiencing in their search for work.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Wollnik, Nadjeschda
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Poor whites -- South Africa , Poor whites -- South Africa -- Atitudes , Shelters for the homeless -- South Africa , Unemployed -- South Africa -- Attitudes , Unemployed -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994- , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MSocSci
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/148540 , vital:38748
- Description: Despite historical precedents, poverty among white people in South Africa remains an anomaly and a paradox. Likewise, the perceptions of work and employment among poor (under- and unemployed) whites in contemporary South Africa have received scant attention in the scholarly literature. Using the conceptual frameworks of critical whiteness studies and segmented labour market theory – as a way of combining subjective and objective considerations – this research seeks to describe and explain the perceptions and experiences of the labour market among poor whites living in a homeless shelter in Johannesburg. Eight respondents were chosen for extended, in-depth interviews in an effort to develop a fine-grained understanding of the pre-existing circumstances that affected their access to information and thus shaped their choices in the labour market, as well as to ascertain what they believed to be the barriers that they face in the labour market. The findings varied, with most of the interviewees seeing ‘being white’ as the reason for their poverty and unemployment, while others exhibited some awareness of the role of their lack of skills and qualifications in their capacity to compete in higher segments of the labour market. The findings were also varied in the sense that not all interviewees experienced poverty in the same manner, with some having been part of the middle class prior to becoming poor, while others having been poor their entire lives. It was also found that class or socio-economic status seemed to have a greater impact than race on the labour market prospects of the interviewees. It is argued that the perceptions of these poor whites, which are informed by their lack of information about the workings of the labour market, rather than their lack of qualifications or their race, most affected their prospects in the labour market. The mechanisms they rely on when seeking employment reveal a poor knowledge of the local labour market and the ways in which they think their skillsets match up to the types of jobs they desire. The lack of understanding of the South African labour market and the policies that are in place to redress the legacies of apartheid are among the factors influencing the lack of success these poor whites are experiencing in their search for work.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
An investigation into stakeholder inclusivity and the board’s ability to create competitive advantage at South Africa’s “big five” retail banks
- Authors: Wolhuter, Darren Wilfred
- Date: 2022-04-06
- Subjects: Stakeholder management South Africa , Strategic planning South Africa , Banks and banking South Africa , Corporate governance South Africa , Competition , Resource-based theory
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/284548 , vital:56073
- Description: Stakeholder theory has long put forth the concept that managerial attention must be given to all stakeholders towards the realisation of value creation opportunities. Through the process of stakeholder engagement, and through the adoption of stakeholder inclusivity principles, an organisation can position itself to reap the benefits of understanding the legitimate needs and interests of all its stakeholders by seeking to satisfy all its stakeholders in turn. This study analysed the integrated reports of five retail banks, whose main base of operations were in South Africa, to assess the board’s ability to create value for its stakeholders through adopting a stakeholder inclusive approach to corporate governance as advocated for by the King Code on Corporate Governance in South Africa – King IV™. This assessment was done through an examination of a selection of outcomes relevant to the banking industry and related to each of the six capitals that form part of the value creation process as indicated for in the Integrated Reporting Framework (IIRC, 2013): 1) Financial Capital, 2) Manufactured Capital; 3) Intellectual Capital; 4) Human Capital; 5) Social and Relationship Capital, and; 6) Natural Capital. The results obtained, over a three-year period – 2018 to 2020, revealed that while the directors had a firm understanding of who their material stakeholders were, they struggled to create value that catered to all their stakeholders collectively. In addition, the directors were also unable to create sustainable value over the assessment period. As a result of this, most banks, with the exception of one, were unable to realise the value creation opportunities that could have led to a potential source of competitive advantage. The study concludes that while no observable sustainable competitive advantage was evident over the period of assessment, the concept of stakeholder inclusivity is an important corporate governance principle that drives value creation and, as such, warrants more attention from the director’s point of view. This research is intended to contribute to the growing knowledge on the importance of stakeholder inclusivity in corporate governance execution. , Thesis (MBA) -- Faculty of Commerce, Rhodes Business School, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-06
- Authors: Wolhuter, Darren Wilfred
- Date: 2022-04-06
- Subjects: Stakeholder management South Africa , Strategic planning South Africa , Banks and banking South Africa , Corporate governance South Africa , Competition , Resource-based theory
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/284548 , vital:56073
- Description: Stakeholder theory has long put forth the concept that managerial attention must be given to all stakeholders towards the realisation of value creation opportunities. Through the process of stakeholder engagement, and through the adoption of stakeholder inclusivity principles, an organisation can position itself to reap the benefits of understanding the legitimate needs and interests of all its stakeholders by seeking to satisfy all its stakeholders in turn. This study analysed the integrated reports of five retail banks, whose main base of operations were in South Africa, to assess the board’s ability to create value for its stakeholders through adopting a stakeholder inclusive approach to corporate governance as advocated for by the King Code on Corporate Governance in South Africa – King IV™. This assessment was done through an examination of a selection of outcomes relevant to the banking industry and related to each of the six capitals that form part of the value creation process as indicated for in the Integrated Reporting Framework (IIRC, 2013): 1) Financial Capital, 2) Manufactured Capital; 3) Intellectual Capital; 4) Human Capital; 5) Social and Relationship Capital, and; 6) Natural Capital. The results obtained, over a three-year period – 2018 to 2020, revealed that while the directors had a firm understanding of who their material stakeholders were, they struggled to create value that catered to all their stakeholders collectively. In addition, the directors were also unable to create sustainable value over the assessment period. As a result of this, most banks, with the exception of one, were unable to realise the value creation opportunities that could have led to a potential source of competitive advantage. The study concludes that while no observable sustainable competitive advantage was evident over the period of assessment, the concept of stakeholder inclusivity is an important corporate governance principle that drives value creation and, as such, warrants more attention from the director’s point of view. This research is intended to contribute to the growing knowledge on the importance of stakeholder inclusivity in corporate governance execution. , Thesis (MBA) -- Faculty of Commerce, Rhodes Business School, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-04-06
Hearing silenced voices: a learning-centred approach to sustainable land rehabilitation and natural resource management
- Authors: Wolff, Margaret Gascoyne
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Watershed management -- South Africa -- Citizen participation , Water-supply -- Management -- Citizen participation , Environmental education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MEd
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94958 , vital:31101
- Description: South Africa is a semi-arid country with dysfunctional water management. The National Water Act encourages integrated water resource management and public participation in contributing to strategies for managing water within delineated areas. Various challenges hamper progress of integrated water resource management and meaningful participation by residents in catchments across the country. One of the challenges is the lack of knowledge about their role in water resource management. By viewing catchments as complex social-ecological systems, this case study investigates how to establish a learning-centred approach to catchment management forum (CMF) formation. The study addressed three sub-questions: What activity systems need to be prioritised for community participation in CMF formation? What existing learning can be identified within the activity systems? What are the sources for expansive social learning in and between the activity systems? The study draws on social learning theory, and on cultural historical activity theory as it offers a methodological approach to identifying a learning-centred approach to learning in a catchment context. Drawing on this theoretical framework, for research question 1, I identified five activity systems that are present in the study area, are partly representative of the people who live in the area, and are linked to land and water governance either through their positions as government employees within the sector, or the NLEIP in ways that influence communities’ lives and livelihoods. To address question 2, I ran learning-centred workshops and interviewed people who lived in the study area. Careful, respectful listening and participants’ use of home language created the safe space in which residents revealed that they know which water resources are important to protect and where breakdowns in communication happen. For question 3, I analysed the data from the workshops and interviews using a cultural historical activity theory framework to identify discursive manifestations of contradictions within and between activity systems which illuminate the potential for expansive social learning. This study recommends developing an understanding of the complex social-ecological context and prioritising co-learning and community participation in a learning-centred approach to catchment management forum formation. For this, there is need to develop in-depth insight into activity systems associated with water governance in local contexts. In this study I identified five of these activity systems, but the study points to a further range of activity systems that need to be considered for a learning-centred approach to be fully established. The study also found that communities are learning via engaging in the rehabilitation work, through engagements in workshops and within the municipal structures. Additionally, the study identified a number of contradictions that can provide sources of learning for taking an expansive learning approach further in CMF formation. Such an approach may provide the space to build bridges of trust between diverse knowledge systems, and has the potential to encourage sustainable co-operation in natural resource management.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Wolff, Margaret Gascoyne
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Watershed management -- South Africa -- Citizen participation , Water-supply -- Management -- Citizen participation , Environmental education -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MEd
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94958 , vital:31101
- Description: South Africa is a semi-arid country with dysfunctional water management. The National Water Act encourages integrated water resource management and public participation in contributing to strategies for managing water within delineated areas. Various challenges hamper progress of integrated water resource management and meaningful participation by residents in catchments across the country. One of the challenges is the lack of knowledge about their role in water resource management. By viewing catchments as complex social-ecological systems, this case study investigates how to establish a learning-centred approach to catchment management forum (CMF) formation. The study addressed three sub-questions: What activity systems need to be prioritised for community participation in CMF formation? What existing learning can be identified within the activity systems? What are the sources for expansive social learning in and between the activity systems? The study draws on social learning theory, and on cultural historical activity theory as it offers a methodological approach to identifying a learning-centred approach to learning in a catchment context. Drawing on this theoretical framework, for research question 1, I identified five activity systems that are present in the study area, are partly representative of the people who live in the area, and are linked to land and water governance either through their positions as government employees within the sector, or the NLEIP in ways that influence communities’ lives and livelihoods. To address question 2, I ran learning-centred workshops and interviewed people who lived in the study area. Careful, respectful listening and participants’ use of home language created the safe space in which residents revealed that they know which water resources are important to protect and where breakdowns in communication happen. For question 3, I analysed the data from the workshops and interviews using a cultural historical activity theory framework to identify discursive manifestations of contradictions within and between activity systems which illuminate the potential for expansive social learning. This study recommends developing an understanding of the complex social-ecological context and prioritising co-learning and community participation in a learning-centred approach to catchment management forum formation. For this, there is need to develop in-depth insight into activity systems associated with water governance in local contexts. In this study I identified five of these activity systems, but the study points to a further range of activity systems that need to be considered for a learning-centred approach to be fully established. The study also found that communities are learning via engaging in the rehabilitation work, through engagements in workshops and within the municipal structures. Additionally, the study identified a number of contradictions that can provide sources of learning for taking an expansive learning approach further in CMF formation. Such an approach may provide the space to build bridges of trust between diverse knowledge systems, and has the potential to encourage sustainable co-operation in natural resource management.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Letter from Edmond Robert Wodehouse, to Walter Jardine, 1 May 1864
- Wodehouse, Edmond Robert, Jardine, Walter
- Authors: Wodehouse, Edmond Robert , Jardine, Walter
- Date: 1864-05-01 , 2021-09-29
- Subjects: Jardine, Walter , Botanical Gardens -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Type: text , letter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/197640 , vital:45892 , Cory Library for Humanities Research, Rhodes University
- Description: Jardine Correspondence transcribed by Jean Kelly August 2021. Transcription: Graham’s Town. May 1st 1864. [No salutation.] As I intend returning to England by the Mail Steamer which will leave Table Bay on the 20th June, I shall be much obliged to you, Walter, if you will plant the Ferns you have for me in a Wardian Case ready for their journey. I think they had better be put into the Wardian Case at once so that they may have taken good root before the time comes for closing the case. The case need not be closed till after I come down to Cape Town I expect to be there about the 13th or 14th of June. The last batch of Ferns I sent home were planted in rows, with thin boards laid along the top between the rows to keep the soil unmoved; and they reached home in very good order. I also want to take the Disa plants home with me. I am told that if they have died down, the bulbs had better be packed in dry sand; but if they have not died down, &* are still in leaf, they had better be planted in the case with the Ferns. If you have not got Wardian Case, which you can let me have, please ask Col. Travers to get one from Mr McGibbon at the Botanical Garden. Keep an account of any expenses you may incur, and I will repay you when I come down to Cape Town. I shall also be very much obliged if you could send me here some good Disa plants for the Botanical Gardens in this town, where they are very much wanted. They had better be packed in moss or dry sand, & put into a tin box, and then sent up by the post cart. If you should not be able to do this, or have any difficulties with respect to the Ferns, please write to let me know at once. Yours faithfully, Edmund R Wodehouse. Envelope addressed to: Mr Walter Jardine The Vineyard Claremont Cape Town. Pencilled note on envelope: Son of the Governor, Sir P Wodehouse.
- Full Text: false
- Authors: Wodehouse, Edmond Robert , Jardine, Walter
- Date: 1864-05-01 , 2021-09-29
- Subjects: Jardine, Walter , Botanical Gardens -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Type: text , letter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/197640 , vital:45892 , Cory Library for Humanities Research, Rhodes University
- Description: Jardine Correspondence transcribed by Jean Kelly August 2021. Transcription: Graham’s Town. May 1st 1864. [No salutation.] As I intend returning to England by the Mail Steamer which will leave Table Bay on the 20th June, I shall be much obliged to you, Walter, if you will plant the Ferns you have for me in a Wardian Case ready for their journey. I think they had better be put into the Wardian Case at once so that they may have taken good root before the time comes for closing the case. The case need not be closed till after I come down to Cape Town I expect to be there about the 13th or 14th of June. The last batch of Ferns I sent home were planted in rows, with thin boards laid along the top between the rows to keep the soil unmoved; and they reached home in very good order. I also want to take the Disa plants home with me. I am told that if they have died down, the bulbs had better be packed in dry sand; but if they have not died down, &* are still in leaf, they had better be planted in the case with the Ferns. If you have not got Wardian Case, which you can let me have, please ask Col. Travers to get one from Mr McGibbon at the Botanical Garden. Keep an account of any expenses you may incur, and I will repay you when I come down to Cape Town. I shall also be very much obliged if you could send me here some good Disa plants for the Botanical Gardens in this town, where they are very much wanted. They had better be packed in moss or dry sand, & put into a tin box, and then sent up by the post cart. If you should not be able to do this, or have any difficulties with respect to the Ferns, please write to let me know at once. Yours faithfully, Edmund R Wodehouse. Envelope addressed to: Mr Walter Jardine The Vineyard Claremont Cape Town. Pencilled note on envelope: Son of the Governor, Sir P Wodehouse.
- Full Text: false
Letter from Edmond Robert Wodehouse, to Walter Jardine, 22 May 1864
- Wodehouse, Edmond Robert, Jardine, Walter
- Authors: Wodehouse, Edmond Robert , Jardine, Walter
- Date: 1864-05-22 , 2021-09-29
- Subjects: Jardine, Walter , Botanical Gardens -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Type: text , letter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/197654 , vital:45893 , Cory Library for Humanities Research, Rhodes University
- Description: Jardine Correspondence transcribed by Jean Kelly August 2021. Transcription: Graham’s Town. May 22 1864. I am much obliged to you, Walter, for the Disa Bulbs which arrived yesterday all safe, and with which Mr Tuck of the Botanical Gardens is much pleased. I remain Yours faithfully, Edmund R Wodehouse. ************************************************************************ Noted on scrap paper: Left Cape Town 22nd May 1867 Got to Grahamstown 1st June Bot Gardens 4th June. Walter Jardine.
- Full Text: false
- Authors: Wodehouse, Edmond Robert , Jardine, Walter
- Date: 1864-05-22 , 2021-09-29
- Subjects: Jardine, Walter , Botanical Gardens -- South Africa -- Grahamstown
- Type: text , letter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/197654 , vital:45893 , Cory Library for Humanities Research, Rhodes University
- Description: Jardine Correspondence transcribed by Jean Kelly August 2021. Transcription: Graham’s Town. May 22 1864. I am much obliged to you, Walter, for the Disa Bulbs which arrived yesterday all safe, and with which Mr Tuck of the Botanical Gardens is much pleased. I remain Yours faithfully, Edmund R Wodehouse. ************************************************************************ Noted on scrap paper: Left Cape Town 22nd May 1867 Got to Grahamstown 1st June Bot Gardens 4th June. Walter Jardine.
- Full Text: false
Formulation development, manufacture and evaluation of a lamivudine-zidovudine nano co-crystal thermo-responsive suspension
- Authors: Witika, Bwalya Angel
- Date: 2020
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140546 , vital:37897 , http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/10962/140546
- Description: Expected release date-April 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Witika, Bwalya Angel
- Date: 2020
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/140546 , vital:37897 , http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/10962/140546
- Description: Expected release date-April 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020