Human rights: an investigation into the importance of second generation rights
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Bentley, Kristina Anne
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2759 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002969 , Human rights -- Philosophy , Human rights
- Description: This study examines the notion of universal human rights in the context of the importance of social and economic rights for the agency and dignity of human beings. It argues that the recognition of basic rights to what is necessary for physical well-being is essential to any adequate theory of human rights, and that rights of the civil and political variety depend on the recognition of social and economic rights if they are to be exercised. Therefore the secondary status which is usually accorded to social and economic rights results in an imbalanced ideal of human rights both in theory and in practice. This study is an attempt to place second generation rights in their proper context and to argue for them as human rights of equal status and importance. It focuses on the derivation of human rights in general, and shows that second generation rights may be accommodated within this structure. It further supports this position by showing that the categorical differences which are asserted to exist between first and second generation rights are based on a mistaken conception of positive and negative rights and duties, as well as an inadequate conception of liberty. The thesis shows that all rights generate a variety of duties, both positive and negative, and that an adequate theory of rights has to be able to accommodate the inevitability of conflicts of rights at the level of their enforcement. Consequently, this study argues there is no reason to give either class of right primary importance, as both first and second generation human rights are essential to the agency and dignity of a human being, and they are thus interdependent. Furthermore, the thesis shows that human rights can be balanced at the level of the obligations which they generate without compromising the deontological nature of such rights. This thesis argues that a theory of rights which is rooted in the liberal democratic notion of rights, such as that characterised by the choice theory of rights, is inadequate. It therefore argues that a benefit theory of rights must be adopted in order to accommodate conflicts of rights when they arise. The thesis argues that as such conflicts of rights are" most common in cases involving the assertion of social and economic rights, this balancing of rights is of special significance for the enforcement of second generation rights. Furthermore, this thesis argues for a theory of minimal interdependence of first and second generation rights, in order to accommodate the notion of first and second generation rights of equal status and importance, as well as to prevent an inflation of rights claims which would compromise the balancing of rights. It is argued that a reordering of values is necessary to take account of material well-being, as well as civil freedom, as both of these generate fundamental rights of equal status and importance.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Towards a developed regional order: which way forward southern Africa?
- Authors: Blaauw, Abraham Lesley
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2760 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002970 , Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Description: The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Blaauw, Abraham Lesley
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2760 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002970 , Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa , Regional planning -- Africa, Southern , Regional planning -- South Africa , Southern African Customs Union , Southern African Development Community , Africa, Southern -- Economic conditions , Africa, Southern -- Politics and government -- 1975-1994
- Description: The regionalisation of politics on a global scale, Call be seen as one of the defining features of contemporary international relations. Given this phenomenon, the tasks which confronted this thesis, was to consider the conditions and requirements necessary within the Southern African region to build an all-embracing developed regional order. The urgency with which the latter task should be undertaken, is premised on an increased realisation that the region, and indeed the continent as a whole, are becoming of lesser significance in international affairs. However, a number of impediments will have to be overcome, before the goal of a developed regional order can be achieved, which will contribute to lasting security in the region. Foremost amongst many issues, is how to employ the approaches to integration, in attempting to explain how the goal of a developed order should be achieved. A second problem which this thesis was confronted with, relates to which organisation shoulO be' considered the best vehicle, to drive the integration process forward- COMESA, SACU or SADC. The decision take SADC as the organisation to drive the integration process forward, is premised on a number of factors. Amongst many, it qualifies in geographical terms as a region, the historical linkages of the countries of the region (based on their fight against apartheid, division of labour, etc.), serves as a basis for building a sense of community. Thirdly its institutions can be developed to achieve the goal of an all-embracing regional order. Lastly and most importantly, SADC realises that regional integration will remain unattainable without the involvement of the peoples of Southern Africa. The identification of the organisation to drive the integration process forward, serves to bolster moves towards a maximalist order. However, significant changes in the structure and institutions of SADC is necessary, before it can be considered an all-embracing and developed regional order. Not suprisingly, therefore, we have witness a number of institutional changes to the SADC structures. Amongst many, the establishment of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security , the signing of the SADC Trade Facilitation Protocol, and the commitment to democracy and a human rights culture, are most significant and will, it is hoped, provide the building-blocks for deeper integration in Southern Africa. Apart from the above, which occur between and among the states of the region, steps are underway between and among the agents of civil society to work closely with each other, to establish a regional civil society. Most notably, the establishment of a media society for Southern Africa, the calls by COSATU for a Social Charter with a regional flavour, the establishment of environmental and human rights networks, and the support for the Gay and Lesbian Movement of Zimbabwe (GALZ), represent landmarks, in the search for a developed regional order. However, the reluctance of the governments of the Southern African countries, to consult with the NGOs, before the adoption of the Organ Politics, clearly bears testimony to their present inability to take the necessary steps needed to move from a minimalist to a maximalist conception of regional organisation. The suggestion of this thesis is that the move-away from minimalism to maximalism can be facilitated by the development of a political centre-around which both governments and NGO activities can be articulated, since both are primarily concerned with the security and welfare of the Southern African region.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
The external dimension in the transformation of Afrikaner Nationalism
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Botha, André Pedro
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2763 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002973 , Afrikaners -- Ethnic identity , Afrikaners -- Politics and government , Nationalism -- South Africa -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa
- Description: This work looks at Afrikaner Nationalism, and more closely the changes it has undergone in years since external pressure has been applied against it from as early as 1946. This has been accomplished by placing it against the background of the international context ego as in relation to India and the British Commonwealth. Following a discussion of the ideology of nationalism in general, the thesis examines the specific case of Afrikaner Nationalism, which it portrays as an example of ethnonationalism. This latter is distinguished by familial ties and other stereotypes. After outlining the changing characteristics of Afrikaner Nationalism over time by reference to pronounciations by its leaders and other prominent spokesmen, this process of change is analysed with particular regard to the role played by international and other external pressures upon Afrikaner Nationalism. By carefully describing the changing attitudes of elite groups within Afrikaner Nationalism, the thesis assesses the impact of external factors. Then it is reasonably stated in this work that Afrikaner elites have become less exclusive under external pressure. The writer of this study is of the opinion that, give the fact that the doors of the National Party were thrown open, Afrikaner Nationalism and its aforementioned ideological organ are no longer identical.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
- Authors: Carim, Xavier
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2764 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974 , Investments, Foreign -- South Africa , Political stability -- South Africa , African National Congress -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Foreign economic relations , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991-
- Description: This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1995
KwaZakele: the politics of transition in South Africa: an Eastern Cape case study
- Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
- Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Cherry, Janet Mary
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: South Africa -- Transition to democracy Democracy -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Politics and government Port Elizabeth region (South Africa) -- Political aspects
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2766 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002976
- Description: This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
A new role for the non-aligned movement in a post-cold war era
- Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Chetty, Mahesh
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2767 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002977 , Non-Aligned Movement , Nonalignment , Nonalignment -- Developing countries , International police
- Description: With the disappearance of the superpower conflict that characterised the Cold War era, many observers have begun to question whether the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has a role to play in the post Cold War era. However the emergence of a number of issues on the international agenda, such as United Nations peacekeeping operations, global environmental issues and an increasing unwillingness on the part of the major economic powers to abide by GATT/WTO rules, have increasingly become of concern to non-aligned states. However whilst the United States has recognised that these issues require leadership in dealing with them, it has not been willing to supply that leadership. It shall therefore be argued that the changing nature of hegemony in world politics has set conditions that allow non-aligned middle powers and institutions greater scope for action and influence. The emergence of these issues has provided a scope for non-aligned middle powers, acting in accordance with their interests to play alternate leadership roles within an expanded scope for institutions, such as organisations, regimes and multilateralism, in addressing the interests of non-aligned states. Firstly in looking at an expanded role for organisations, the United States has increasingly been unwilling to play a leadership role within UN peacekeeping operations. The continuing importance of the neutrality of UN peacekeeping operations has provided a scope for nonaligned middle powers to play a burden-sharing role with the great powers in addressing the concerns of non-aligned states with regard to these operations. Secondly in looking at an expanded scope for regimes, the emergence of a regime in the issue of ozone depletion may provide a foundation to analyse how non-aligned middle powers may play a bridge-building role between North and South in the issue of climate change. Middle powers could therefore play this role in the absence of United States leadership within this issue. Thirdly, the role of the Cairns Group within the Uruguay Round in addressing non-aligned states’ interests of maintaining stable agricultural trade, can be seen as a model of small group multilateralism in bridging the divide between the major powers in issue specific areas.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Traditional leaders in post-1996 South Africa, with particular reference to the Eastern Cape
- De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: De Sas Kropiwnicki, Zosa Olenka
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2857 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007479 , Tribal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Political leadership -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The failure of democracy in Africa can be partially attributed to the Eurocentric assumptions that belie Western recommendations for Africa. This thesis focuses on the failure of the modernisation school to account for the resiliency of tradition in the modern African state, which is described by Sklar (1991) as amounting to a form of 'mixed government', combining the traditional with the modern to create a uniquely African form of governance. This notion of a 'mixed government' is addressed from the vantage point of traditional leaders in the Eastern Cape. It maps the vacillating relationship between the chiefs, the people and the government through colonialism, Apartheid and democratisation. It concludes that although the Eastern Cape provincial government has subordinated the chiefs, this does not signify a victory for modernity over tradition because the chiefs are not a spent force. History has shown that when the government fails to act in the interests of the people, they seek an alternative authority namely, the chiefs. The ANC government's centralising tendencies have negative implications for democracy and consequently for the people. This opens up space for the chiefs to assert themselves provided they play an active role in furthering democracy, development and modernisation in the interests of the people. Hence, although ' mixed' government in the post-1996 South Africa is currently on the ANC's terms, traditional leaders may someday play a vital role in the modern democratic state.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
Searching for new relevance in the 1990s: the Organization of African Unity as an instrument of conflict resolution
- Authors: Dlamini, Thandeka Lungile
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2770 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002980 , Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Description: The 1960's and the 1970's marked a great Pan-African movement in Africa, that saw the liberation of most African states. This Pan-African movement, was spearheaded by a quest to unite Africa, and to abate foreign occupation. Amidst the spirit of unity, lay a promise of an organization that would embody the hopes and aspirations of a continent undergoing a re-birth; a progression towards self-determination, economic development and integration, and the maintenance of peace. Therefore, the inception ofthe Organization of African Unity (OAD) was not only a symbol of a unifying force for Africans, but a diplomatic platform that would promote African needs on the international arena. In effect the OAU, at its inception, was for specific ideals that would guarantee liberation and unity of African states. The outcome of these ideals would be greater regional economic integration and the achievement of peace and stability. These ideals mirrored the structural definition of regional organization, with the inclusion of a Commission for Mediation Arbitration and Conciliation under the OAU Charter, to handle disputes among member states. However, the mere fact that this commission lacked the political wherewithal to resolve conflicts, by its sheer lack of a standing peacekeeping force, contributed to the inefficiency of the organization to play an effective role in conflict management. This study attempts to examine the role ofthe OAU in settling disputes. The study sought to accomplish this, in the following manner. Firstly, an investigation into the nature of conflict and why it persists in Africa was conducted. Further, an examination ofthe tools that practitioners utilize not only to study conflict, but to prevent, manage and resolve it, was done. During the investigation it was found that, although the OAU's greatest successes have come from preventive diplomacy, its structural foundations limit the capabilities of the organization to become more relevant. The Charter of the OAU alludes vaguely to the settlement of disputes, but without an executive political decision-making body able to deploy peacekeepers, its principles are largely meaningless. Amidst the growing concerns, the OAU as a matter of survival, developed initiatives it hopes will make it more effective and relevant. The focus ofthe study was the evolving role ofthe OAU, from its inception to its new role as an instrument of conflict resolution. Most of the scholarly work conducted on the OAU, is concerned with depicting a terminal organization, with little or no hope of surviving. Little emphasis is placed on prescribing remedies on how to improve and restructure the organization. The findings included, inter alia, that the organization is faced with enormous challenges, as the sources of conflict are varied and complex. Africa is now the landscape of collapsed states, economic stagnation, environmental degradation, disease and chronic conflicts. The OAU shoulders much ofthe responsibility for not sanctioning governments that contribute to the decay and suffering of the African peoples. Most ofthe criticism of the OAU, stem from the inability of the organization to play an effective role in resolving conflicts in Africa. Most of Africa's conflicts stem from a lack of political legitimacy, lack of democratic institutions, uneven distribution of resources, ethnic tensions and economic stagnation. Until such problems are addressed, Africa will continue to host the world's deadliest conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
- Authors: Dlamini, Thandeka Lungile
- Date: 2000
- Subjects: Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2770 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002980 , Organization of African Unity , Africa -- Foreign relations , Conflict management -- Africa
- Description: The 1960's and the 1970's marked a great Pan-African movement in Africa, that saw the liberation of most African states. This Pan-African movement, was spearheaded by a quest to unite Africa, and to abate foreign occupation. Amidst the spirit of unity, lay a promise of an organization that would embody the hopes and aspirations of a continent undergoing a re-birth; a progression towards self-determination, economic development and integration, and the maintenance of peace. Therefore, the inception ofthe Organization of African Unity (OAD) was not only a symbol of a unifying force for Africans, but a diplomatic platform that would promote African needs on the international arena. In effect the OAU, at its inception, was for specific ideals that would guarantee liberation and unity of African states. The outcome of these ideals would be greater regional economic integration and the achievement of peace and stability. These ideals mirrored the structural definition of regional organization, with the inclusion of a Commission for Mediation Arbitration and Conciliation under the OAU Charter, to handle disputes among member states. However, the mere fact that this commission lacked the political wherewithal to resolve conflicts, by its sheer lack of a standing peacekeeping force, contributed to the inefficiency of the organization to play an effective role in conflict management. This study attempts to examine the role ofthe OAU in settling disputes. The study sought to accomplish this, in the following manner. Firstly, an investigation into the nature of conflict and why it persists in Africa was conducted. Further, an examination ofthe tools that practitioners utilize not only to study conflict, but to prevent, manage and resolve it, was done. During the investigation it was found that, although the OAU's greatest successes have come from preventive diplomacy, its structural foundations limit the capabilities of the organization to become more relevant. The Charter of the OAU alludes vaguely to the settlement of disputes, but without an executive political decision-making body able to deploy peacekeepers, its principles are largely meaningless. Amidst the growing concerns, the OAU as a matter of survival, developed initiatives it hopes will make it more effective and relevant. The focus ofthe study was the evolving role ofthe OAU, from its inception to its new role as an instrument of conflict resolution. Most of the scholarly work conducted on the OAU, is concerned with depicting a terminal organization, with little or no hope of surviving. Little emphasis is placed on prescribing remedies on how to improve and restructure the organization. The findings included, inter alia, that the organization is faced with enormous challenges, as the sources of conflict are varied and complex. Africa is now the landscape of collapsed states, economic stagnation, environmental degradation, disease and chronic conflicts. The OAU shoulders much ofthe responsibility for not sanctioning governments that contribute to the decay and suffering of the African peoples. Most ofthe criticism of the OAU, stem from the inability of the organization to play an effective role in resolving conflicts in Africa. Most of Africa's conflicts stem from a lack of political legitimacy, lack of democratic institutions, uneven distribution of resources, ethnic tensions and economic stagnation. Until such problems are addressed, Africa will continue to host the world's deadliest conflicts.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2000
Towards a broader application of decision-making paradigms: a case study of the establishment of ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)
- Authors: Domson-Lindsay, Albert
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2771 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981 , Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Description: The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
- Authors: Domson-Lindsay, Albert
- Date: 2001
- Subjects: Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2771 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002981 , Liberia -- History -- Civil War, 1989-1996 , Liberia -- politics and government -- 1980- , Ecomog , Economic community of west african states
- Description: The thesis in the main, looks at the decision-making process which underlined the Economic Community of West African States' attempt to end the Liberian crisis. It examines the establishment of ECOMOG to intervene in the Liberian civil crisis and the various pacific attempts to resolve the Liberian question. It does so through the medium of decision - making theory and some of the conceptual models that have flowed out of it. The thesis' focus on the decisional process of a regional body marks an attempt to broaden the scope of application of decision - making paradigms, which are usually employed to analyse decisions of national governments. The imperative for analysing the decisional process of ECOWAS in its quest to find solution to the Liberian problem has in part been dictated by the novelty of the ECOMOG concept. It marks the first major attempt of a sub - regional economic organization to successfully find solution to a civil conflict, as a result, there are numerous lessons to be gleaned from its failures and successes. Its relevance in the African context, with its intractable conflicts cannot be overemphasized. It has also been motivated by the fact that more works need to be produced on the decision-making processes of governments and regional bodies within the continent. The thesis argues that, both rational and "irrational" elements infused the decisional process of ECOW AS in its bid to solve the Liberian Crisis. Among other things, Policy-makers were influenced in their choice of decision by rational calculations based on national interest. It examines the clash of interests which characterized the establishment ofECOMOG as an tntervention force, the impasse this fostered and how it was eventually resolved. It postulates that exteljIlal actors influenced the decision process and that policy :Qiakers were aided to make the decisions they made by other organs in the decisional chain. The "irrational" component of the process, among other things, could be seen from the fact that the Liberian question was solved in " bits and pieces". Besides, blunders were committed through defective decision - making mechanism. The thesis concludes by offering suggestions to improve the quality of ECOW AS decision-making process with regard to conflict resolution and how to achieve regional consensus.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2001
The role of the international community in the South African transition: a critical review
- Authors: Dormehl, Andries Christian
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2772 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982 , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Description: There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
- Authors: Dormehl, Andries Christian
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2772 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002982 , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994
- Description: There is a dearth of position papers on international participation in the South African transition. Political parties and organisations in South Africa instead spend most of their time describing various forms of desirous IC intervention after the transition. This might explain why most articles and academic papers on 'the role of the international community' are suffixed - in the 'new South Africa' or 'post-apartheid South Africa' - few focus on the actual transition and then mostly from a systemic perspective, broadly outlining the constraints imposed by the 'new world order'. Perhaps the first serious attempt to address this gap in the debate over South Africa's future was D. Kempton and L. Mosia's 'The International Community in South Africa's Transition to non-racial Democracy' (1992). Before multiparty negotiations collapsed in June 1992, Kempton and Mosia examined the attitudes toward international intervention of most of the CODESA participants, as well as the major actors that had remained outside CODESA. This paper takes up the issue where Kempton and Mosia left off. It tries to explain transitional politics since the IC introduced an on-the-ground presence after the UN Security Council debates on South Africa in July 1992. It asks why, eight months after multiparty talks were suspended, the IC has been unable to revive multiparty negotiations, has apparently had little or no impact on the violence, and despite events like Boipatong and Bisho, still plays a minor peacekeeping role, confined to observer status. The research describes internal and external components of international intervention, examines the rationale behind the agreed forms of international participation, and assesses the viability of the internationally-supported conflict-resolution and transition-management structures that were formed to facilitate the transition. The evidence uncovered by the research leads the author to the conclusion that more of an international role is necessary, and sooner rather than later, but he concedes that this is not feasible, or likely, under the status quo.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
The impact of the end of the Cold War on transition in South Africa
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Du Preez, Roni
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2773 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002983 , Cold War , International relations , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1989-1994 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1978-1989 , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1978-1989
- Description: This thesis argues that F.W. de Klerk's historic February 1990 speech was the end product of a set of circumstances in recent South African and global history which made possible the new phase of transitional politics which South Africa is currently experiencing. It seeks to establish that of all the factors that contributed to change, it was the late 1980s thaw in the Cold War, and its resultant repercussions internationally and regionally which was the catalytic factor which made the new era possible. In all the literature on transition there has been no comprehensive analysis of the plausible link between the two superpowers agreeing in the mid-1980s to abandon confrontational practices and to change their approaches to regional conflicts and the South African government agreeing to negotiate for a new political dispensation. This thesis will seek to establish and analyse such a link. By 1986 there was in certain governmental circles a non-public view that the policy of apartheid had failed both as a solution to the problem of black political aspirations and as a legitimating ideology. Constraining any serious move towards political change was a widely held fear at the top level of government that an accelerated reform process would make South Africa vulnerable to external aggression and internal revolutionary forces. This thesis suggests that the collapse of communist rule in Eastern Europe and the 'new political thinking' in Soviet foreign policy resulted in the notion of a communist-inspired total onslaught against South Africa losing currency - as did the position of those within the ruling elite who remained dogmatically attached to it. The end of the Cold War is the common thread which links South Africa's international , regional and domestic environments. Two important events occurred in the international and regional arenas, which against the backdrop of the end of the Cold War, strengthened the credibility of the alternative view in government: (i) the October 1986 Reykjavik Summit and (ii) the South African Defence Force setback at Cuito Cuanavale. P.W. Botha's resignation as leader of the National Party and soon after as State President created the political space through which the view of the reformers could emerge as dominant. Recognising that neither the international nor regional environments sustained the beliefs and fears held by the military hawks, F.W. de Klerk was able to capitalise on the ambience of negotiations and apply it to the South African situation. De Klerk's February 1990 speech was therefore the culmination of a process which had its origins in the mid-1980's.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy : towards a diplomacy of trade
- Authors: Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2774 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984 , Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2774 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984 , Foreign trade regulation -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations
- Description: This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
Conflict, contradiction and crisis: an analysis of the politics of AIDS policy in post-Apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Fletcher, Haley Kim
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- Africa, Southern AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2775 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985
- Description: Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Fletcher, Haley Kim
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- Africa, Southern AIDS (Disease) -- Political aspects -- South Africa AIDS (Disease) -- Government policy -- South Africa Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2775 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002985
- Description: Despite the profound impacts of HIV and AIDS on all sectors of South African society, governmental responses to the AIDS epidemic have been inundated with contradiction, conflict and contestation. Though governmental leaders have justified not funding HIV treatment programs because they believe that poverty needs to be dealt with first, social spending has been slashed as part of an adherence to a neo-liberal economic model. Though it would seem that the government would seem to have everything to gain by establishing a cooperative relationship with non-governmental actors regarding the epidemic, the relationship between the government and non-governmental actors has instead been described as nothing short of hostile. Though the government enthusiastically backed Virodene, a supposed treatment for AIDS that turned out to be no more than an industrial solvent, other ‘scientifically backed’ AIDS treatments have been treated with caution and skepticism – to the point where the government even refused to provide funding for programs to prevent mother to child transmission of the virus. And perhaps the most perplexing is that although widely respected for his intellect and cool demeanor, former President Mbeki chose to risk his political career on the AIDS issue by shunning away from the mainstream consensus on the biomedical causes of the epidemic and instead surrounded himself and sought advice from AIDS ‘dissidents’ This thesis will seek explanations for these apparent contradictions. Using Bourdieu’s (1986) typology of capitals, it will build on an argument put forward by Helen Schneider (2002): from the South African government’s perspective, the contestation regarding HIV and AIDS policy and implementation is over symbolic capital, or the right to legitimately hold and exercise political power regarding the epidemic. Though this argument helps explain the conflictual relationship between the government and non-governmental actors regarding the AIDS crisis, in order to understand the perplexing contradictions within the governmental policy response, the political context of policy formation must first be taken into consideration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
How green is our future? Thor Chemicals: a case study in South African environmental policy
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Flint, Adrian
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2776 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002986 , Environmental ethics , Environmental policy -- South Africa , Environmental policy -- South Africa -- Case studies , Environmental degradation -- South Africa
- Description: This study focuses on South African Environmefltal policy; in particular its policies regarding hazardous waste. These policies are addressed within the framework of a case study which serves as basis to critically evaluate government environmental policies both past and present. The thesis examines South African environmental policy against the backdrop of competing schools of thought regarding the relationship between growth and development on the one hand and long term environmental security on the other. Development strategies such as Sustainable Development and the government's Growth, Employment and Redistribution as well as philosophies such as Deep Ecology will be discussed. The thesis argues that Non-Governmental Organisations are the holders of a real environmental ethic and thus their role in preventing environmental degradation is of critical importance. Furthermore, it is imperative that this ethic be disseminated across society if South Africa is to successfully pursue sound environmental policies. This argument is pursued by way of a case study, Thor Chemicals: a company responsible for the running of the largest mercury recovery facility in the world. This plant, which operated in Cato Ridge, KwaZulu-Natal, has been the source of much controversy since it was found that many of its employees and ex-employees were suffering from severe mercury poisoning resulting in two fatalities. The company was also involved in the importation of hazardous wastes as well as the pollution of the surrounding environment. Thor is currently the subject of inquiry by the government-appointed Davis Commission. It is pointed out that ill the past South Africa held no real environmental ethic and environmental degradation ensued as a result. The presented thesis argues that, despite assurances to the contrary, the present government is also without a true environmental ethic that will be effective in preventing future degradation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
Die administratiewe funksionering van bewindsinstellings in die Ciskei met besondere verwysing na plaaslike bestuur
- Authors: Groenewald, David Marais
- Date: 1976
- Subjects: Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2877 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012099 , Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: As gevolg van die ongekonsolideerde aard van die Bantoegebiede in die Ciskei is dit onmoontlik om diè gebied te begrens binne bepaalde relief kenmerke, soos bv. berge en riviere; of selfs binne administratiewe grense soos bv. magistraatsdistrikte. Intro., p. 1
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1976
- Authors: Groenewald, David Marais
- Date: 1976
- Subjects: Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2877 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012099 , Public institutions -- Administration -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Management -- South Africa -- Ciskei , Public institutions -- Government -- South Africa -- Ciskei
- Description: As gevolg van die ongekonsolideerde aard van die Bantoegebiede in die Ciskei is dit onmoontlik om diè gebied te begrens binne bepaalde relief kenmerke, soos bv. berge en riviere; of selfs binne administratiewe grense soos bv. magistraatsdistrikte. Intro., p. 1
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1976
The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions
- Authors: Harning, Jeannie
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2779 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989 , Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
- Authors: Harning, Jeannie
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2779 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989 , Lobbying -- South Africa , Lobbying -- United States , Economic sanctions, American -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- United States , United States -- Foreign relations -- South Africa
- Description: The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1994
The significance of trade policy in promoting the international competitiveness of South African industry
- Authors: Hofmeyr, Lynne Mary
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2781 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002991 , South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Description: This study proposes to examme the significance of trade policy in promoting the international competitiveness of South African industry during the period from the early 1970s up until the present day. By providing a background of South Africa's past trade policies, it is argued that the origins of South Africa's low levels of competitiveness essentially lie in the apartheid years where trade policies were not linked to the attainment of international competitiveness and improved productivity. The study then reviews the development of South Africa's trade policies in the 1990s. In so doing, it reveals weaknesses in the areas of implementation which are critiqued in greater detail by using the clothing and textile industries as a case study, and other selected examples. The study finally concludes that trade policy is crucial to global competitiveness and that it is the responsibility of all parties concerned to ensure that trade policies enhance and not inhibit competitiveness.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Hofmeyr, Lynne Mary
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2781 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002991 , South Africa -- Commerce , South Africa -- Commercial policy , International trade
- Description: This study proposes to examme the significance of trade policy in promoting the international competitiveness of South African industry during the period from the early 1970s up until the present day. By providing a background of South Africa's past trade policies, it is argued that the origins of South Africa's low levels of competitiveness essentially lie in the apartheid years where trade policies were not linked to the attainment of international competitiveness and improved productivity. The study then reviews the development of South Africa's trade policies in the 1990s. In so doing, it reveals weaknesses in the areas of implementation which are critiqued in greater detail by using the clothing and textile industries as a case study, and other selected examples. The study finally concludes that trade policy is crucial to global competitiveness and that it is the responsibility of all parties concerned to ensure that trade policies enhance and not inhibit competitiveness.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
A critical investigation of the Primary Schools Nutrition Programme (PSNP) in the Eastern Cape
- Authors: Houston, Elizabeth Margaret
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2783 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002993 , Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Description: The thesis focuses on the Primary School Nutrition Programme (PSNP), particularly in the Eastern Cape, as a government nutrition and education project, and its failure to achieve its stated goals. The programme experienced problems almost as soon as it was introduced. The press reported incidents of fraud and maladministration and the programme was halted and restarted numerous times. The thesis seeks to offer some insight as to why the government was unable to reach its stated objectives in the implementation phase of the programme. State theory informs the thesis in an attempt to further explain why governments often seem unable to attain their intended goals. The thesis provides an alternative to government development programmes, arguing that NGOs are better equipped to deal with the particular problems that people on the ground experience when dealing with issues like nutritional vulnerability. Operation Hunger provides an excellent case study for how development of this nature ought to occur. The essential argument of the thesis is that there is an inherent tension between what a government's stated intentions is and what, it, in reality, intends to gain from such programmes. It is the contention of this thesis that the Government of National Unity embarked on the PSNP, not to ensure nutritional development for its own sake, but rather to curry favour with its constituents. Operation Hunger, and other organisations like it, provide relief to vulnerable communities with no hidden agenda in mind. Their mandate is solely that they provide assistance. The thesis argues, then, that NGOs have a role in domestic and international politics, that they can make up for or do better, or at least well, things that governments struggle to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
- Authors: Houston, Elizabeth Margaret
- Date: 1997
- Subjects: Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2783 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002993 , Operation Hunger (Organization) , Primary schools nutrition programme -- South Africa , Non-governmental organizations , School children -- Food -- South Africa
- Description: The thesis focuses on the Primary School Nutrition Programme (PSNP), particularly in the Eastern Cape, as a government nutrition and education project, and its failure to achieve its stated goals. The programme experienced problems almost as soon as it was introduced. The press reported incidents of fraud and maladministration and the programme was halted and restarted numerous times. The thesis seeks to offer some insight as to why the government was unable to reach its stated objectives in the implementation phase of the programme. State theory informs the thesis in an attempt to further explain why governments often seem unable to attain their intended goals. The thesis provides an alternative to government development programmes, arguing that NGOs are better equipped to deal with the particular problems that people on the ground experience when dealing with issues like nutritional vulnerability. Operation Hunger provides an excellent case study for how development of this nature ought to occur. The essential argument of the thesis is that there is an inherent tension between what a government's stated intentions is and what, it, in reality, intends to gain from such programmes. It is the contention of this thesis that the Government of National Unity embarked on the PSNP, not to ensure nutritional development for its own sake, but rather to curry favour with its constituents. Operation Hunger, and other organisations like it, provide relief to vulnerable communities with no hidden agenda in mind. Their mandate is solely that they provide assistance. The thesis argues, then, that NGOs have a role in domestic and international politics, that they can make up for or do better, or at least well, things that governments struggle to do.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997
The origins and subsequent development of Administration Boards
- Authors: Humphries, Richard G
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2854 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006873 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Description: Until the introduction of administration boards in 1972-1973, the responsibility for administering the urban black townships in "white" South Africa was vested with the municipalities as agents of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development. The establishment of administration boards to replace the municipalities' Non-European Affairs Departments reflected the determination of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to secure tighter direct control over the implementation of policy, particularly that affecting influx control and labour regulation. The decision to end municipal control was made after the report of the Van Rensburg Inter-Departmental Committee of Inquiry into Control Measures, which reported in 1967. The report's concern that influx control was not working as intended, coupled with doubts about the political autonomy of Opposition controlled municipalities, which dated back to the 1950s, were the major reasons for the introduction of administration boards.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
- Authors: Humphries, Richard G
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2854 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006873 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 20th century , Influx control -- South Africa , Public administration -- South Africa
- Description: Until the introduction of administration boards in 1972-1973, the responsibility for administering the urban black townships in "white" South Africa was vested with the municipalities as agents of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development. The establishment of administration boards to replace the municipalities' Non-European Affairs Departments reflected the determination of the Department of Bantu Administration and Development to secure tighter direct control over the implementation of policy, particularly that affecting influx control and labour regulation. The decision to end municipal control was made after the report of the Van Rensburg Inter-Departmental Committee of Inquiry into Control Measures, which reported in 1967. The report's concern that influx control was not working as intended, coupled with doubts about the political autonomy of Opposition controlled municipalities, which dated back to the 1950s, were the major reasons for the introduction of administration boards.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
The impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process: 1991-1996
- Authors: Kaniaru, Wanjiku
- Date: 1999
- Subjects: Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2785 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002995 , Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Description: In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999
- Authors: Kaniaru, Wanjiku
- Date: 1999
- Subjects: Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2785 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002995 , Middle East -- Politics and government -- 1979- , Arab-Israeli conflict, 1993- -- Peace , Water-supply -- Political aspects -- Middle East , Natural resources -- International cooperation
- Description: In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1999