Target white schoolchildren: Black Sash tries to radicalise school pupils
- Victims Against Terrorism (South Africa)
- Authors: Victims Against Terrorism (South Africa)
- Date: 1989-07
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , Racism -- South Africa , Terrorism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Propaganda, South African , Black Sash (Society) , Government Resistance to – South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , leaflets , newsletter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57664 , vital:26979 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: Excerpt: "The organisation by political pressure groups amongst school pupils, particularly groups with close links with revolutionary organisations which have played a leading role in trying to create an ungovernable situation in black townships, provides grounds for real concern. Whilst one may question the morality of an organisation which targets school pupils as a means for achieving its own political ends one may be sure that these efforts are not meant as an honest attempt to broaden the thinking of the youth. Rather it is part of a well thought out strategy on the part of such organisationaddElement(0, 'physicalDescription'); hidemenu()s to politicise school pupils along radical lines."
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1989-07
- Authors: Victims Against Terrorism (South Africa)
- Date: 1989-07
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , Racism -- South Africa , Terrorism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Propaganda, South African , Black Sash (Society) , Government Resistance to – South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , leaflets , newsletter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57664 , vital:26979 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: Excerpt: "The organisation by political pressure groups amongst school pupils, particularly groups with close links with revolutionary organisations which have played a leading role in trying to create an ungovernable situation in black townships, provides grounds for real concern. Whilst one may question the morality of an organisation which targets school pupils as a means for achieving its own political ends one may be sure that these efforts are not meant as an honest attempt to broaden the thinking of the youth. Rather it is part of a well thought out strategy on the part of such organisationaddElement(0, 'physicalDescription'); hidemenu()s to politicise school pupils along radical lines."
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1989-07
Lessons for South Africa's national identity: the political writings of Aggrey Klaaste
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa , Multiculturalism -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8359 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021077
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and Ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa , Multiculturalism -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8359 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021077
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and Ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Lessons for South African identity : the political writings of Aggrey Klaaste
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Klaaste, Aggrey , National characteristics , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8306 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019997
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Sowaga, Dulile Frans
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Klaaste, Aggrey , National characteristics , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8306 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019997
- Description: This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and ubuntu.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Rumours of spying
- Rhodes University. Students' Representative Council
- Authors: Rhodes University. Students' Representative Council
- Date: 1987-03-07
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Propaganda, South African , Government Resistance to – South Africa , Vincent, Louise , Knight, Janet , Espionage -- South Africa , Spies -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , tracts (ephemera)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57715 , vital:26984 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: A response from NUSAS SRC at Rhodes University, about allegations (published in The Star newspaper dated 17 February 1987) about two members of the Rhodes community acting as informants.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-03-07
- Authors: Rhodes University. Students' Representative Council
- Date: 1987-03-07
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Propaganda, South African , Government Resistance to – South Africa , Vincent, Louise , Knight, Janet , Espionage -- South Africa , Spies -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , tracts (ephemera)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57715 , vital:26984 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: A response from NUSAS SRC at Rhodes University, about allegations (published in The Star newspaper dated 17 February 1987) about two members of the Rhodes community acting as informants.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-03-07
Assessing internal contestations within the ANC: the post-Polokwane political landscape: the case-study of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality
- Authors: Ralo, Mpumezo Welcome
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African National Congress , Politics, Practical -- South Africa , Political campaigns -- South Africa , Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development , South Africa -- Economic Conditions -- 2007 , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8302 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019783
- Description: The Elective Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) of 2007 that took place in Polokwane remains an important event since 1994 (Fikeni 2009). The economic policy of the ANC and candidature of Mbeki and Zuma for the presidency contributed to the growing of factionalism in the ruling party that culminated in the 2007 conference. The study investigates and analyses the development of factions and ideological contestations that seemed to punctuate the ANC towards its 2007 National Congress that took place in Polokwane. It examines the roots and causes of factionalism in the ANC with a specific focus on the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). It also investigates the extent to which the conservative policies such as Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) contributed in the divisions and factionalism prior the 2007 polokwane conference. The study departs from the premise that history of the ANC is riddled with factionalism and ideological contestations that have been well documented. Furthermore, the political infighting within the ANC impacts on governance structures and the local government level. The study seeks to demonstrate the effects of the 2007 power contestations between Zuma and Mbeki on the NMBM. To this effect, the study demonstrates how the leadership contestations in the ruling party impacted on the service delivery in the city. For the purposes of analyzing and making sense of the nature of power plays within the ANC it draws from the theories of factionalism to illustrate that the link between the growing of factionalism and the one party dominant system.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Ralo, Mpumezo Welcome
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: African National Congress , Politics, Practical -- South Africa , Political campaigns -- South Africa , Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economic development , South Africa -- Economic Conditions -- 2007 , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: vital:8302 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1019783
- Description: The Elective Conference of the African National Congress (ANC) of 2007 that took place in Polokwane remains an important event since 1994 (Fikeni 2009). The economic policy of the ANC and candidature of Mbeki and Zuma for the presidency contributed to the growing of factionalism in the ruling party that culminated in the 2007 conference. The study investigates and analyses the development of factions and ideological contestations that seemed to punctuate the ANC towards its 2007 National Congress that took place in Polokwane. It examines the roots and causes of factionalism in the ANC with a specific focus on the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality (NMBM). It also investigates the extent to which the conservative policies such as Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) contributed in the divisions and factionalism prior the 2007 polokwane conference. The study departs from the premise that history of the ANC is riddled with factionalism and ideological contestations that have been well documented. Furthermore, the political infighting within the ANC impacts on governance structures and the local government level. The study seeks to demonstrate the effects of the 2007 power contestations between Zuma and Mbeki on the NMBM. To this effect, the study demonstrates how the leadership contestations in the ruling party impacted on the service delivery in the city. For the purposes of analyzing and making sense of the nature of power plays within the ANC it draws from the theories of factionalism to illustrate that the link between the growing of factionalism and the one party dominant system.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Parliament for the people: take part in parliament
- Public Participation Unit of Parliament
- Authors: Public Participation Unit of Parliament
- Date: 199-?
- Subjects: Parliamentary practice -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76082 , vital:30501
- Description: Our Constitution says that South Africa must have an independent body, called Parliament, to make the laws of the country. Parliament is made up of our political representatives who are called Members of Parliament (MPs). We choose the MPs by voting in elections. Parliament has two main parts, called the Houses of Parliament. They are the National Assembly (NA) and the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The MPs discuss and debate the new laws and make changes to existing laws. Parliament also has many committees where they discuss the laws in detail. Members of Parliament also make sure that the government departments do their work properly. , Funded by the European Union
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 199-?
- Authors: Public Participation Unit of Parliament
- Date: 199-?
- Subjects: Parliamentary practice -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76082 , vital:30501
- Description: Our Constitution says that South Africa must have an independent body, called Parliament, to make the laws of the country. Parliament is made up of our political representatives who are called Members of Parliament (MPs). We choose the MPs by voting in elections. Parliament has two main parts, called the Houses of Parliament. They are the National Assembly (NA) and the National Council of Provinces (NCOP). The MPs discuss and debate the new laws and make changes to existing laws. Parliament also has many committees where they discuss the laws in detail. Members of Parliament also make sure that the government departments do their work properly. , Funded by the European Union
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 199-?
PFP, Progressive Federal Party: the PFP stands for-
- Progressive Federal Party (South Africa)
- Authors: Progressive Federal Party (South Africa)
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Progressive Federal Party (South Africa) , South Africa -- Parliament , Apartheid -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Race relations
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76277 , vital:30530
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
- Authors: Progressive Federal Party (South Africa)
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Progressive Federal Party (South Africa) , South Africa -- Parliament , Apartheid -- South Africa , Political parties -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , South Africa -- Race relations
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76277 , vital:30530
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 19--?
Parliament’s Public Education Programme
- Authors: Parliament South Africa
- Date: 1996-05-03
- Subjects: Parliamentary practice -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76060 , vital:30498
- Description: The South African Parliament has set up a programme to inform and educate the public about Parliament and to build democracy. Our country has only recently become a democracy. Previously, people were not allowed to vote nor participate in making decisions that affected their lives. Organisations such as Parliament were not open and did not answer to the public. As a result, the majority of the people do not have the experience and the skills to participate in the new democracy. This places a major challenge on all those who are committed to developing democracy in the country. The growing democratic culture can only be built upon if the public participate in issues that affect them. This requires that people are made aware of what is happening in organisations like Parliament and understand how they can become involved. People need to know how to raise their concerns when decisions affecting them are being taken. Once decisions are made, the public should be informed about their rights and responsibilities and how to hold government accountable. In building a democratic culture, the right of individuals to hold differing political views must be promoted. Parliament, as a national representative body, has a responsibility to contribute to deepening the democracy we have achieved. To do this the public education programme that has been set up will: * inform people about what happens in Parliament and about democracy generally; * educate people about how Parliament and democracy work and about their rights and responsibilities; * motivate people to participate in democratic processes and engage with decision making bodies, especially Parliament; and’ * promote a culture of democracy and human rights. To achieve the above, the Public Education Department (PED) has been established to coordinate the implementation of the programme. The PED will undertake a number of activities including workshops, public meetings, the distribution of publications and audiovisuals. campaigns, outreach to the youth and educational tours of Parliament. In undertaking the programme. Parliament will work closely with Provincial Legislatures, Government Departments, civil society and the media. To consult with these agencies and to build support for the programme, a national conference will be held early next year. Prior to this conference, preparatory conferences will be held in each province. The provincial conferences will also design strategies for outreach to the different sectors within the province and plan for the implementation of joint activities. Parliament calls on all members of the public, organisations and the different sectors of society to become actively involved in the programme and the drive to deepen democracy in our country. Individuals and organisations requiring more information or wanting to make an input into the programme can telephone the PED on (021) 403 2460.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996-05-03
- Authors: Parliament South Africa
- Date: 1996-05-03
- Subjects: Parliamentary practice -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Democracy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76060 , vital:30498
- Description: The South African Parliament has set up a programme to inform and educate the public about Parliament and to build democracy. Our country has only recently become a democracy. Previously, people were not allowed to vote nor participate in making decisions that affected their lives. Organisations such as Parliament were not open and did not answer to the public. As a result, the majority of the people do not have the experience and the skills to participate in the new democracy. This places a major challenge on all those who are committed to developing democracy in the country. The growing democratic culture can only be built upon if the public participate in issues that affect them. This requires that people are made aware of what is happening in organisations like Parliament and understand how they can become involved. People need to know how to raise their concerns when decisions affecting them are being taken. Once decisions are made, the public should be informed about their rights and responsibilities and how to hold government accountable. In building a democratic culture, the right of individuals to hold differing political views must be promoted. Parliament, as a national representative body, has a responsibility to contribute to deepening the democracy we have achieved. To do this the public education programme that has been set up will: * inform people about what happens in Parliament and about democracy generally; * educate people about how Parliament and democracy work and about their rights and responsibilities; * motivate people to participate in democratic processes and engage with decision making bodies, especially Parliament; and’ * promote a culture of democracy and human rights. To achieve the above, the Public Education Department (PED) has been established to coordinate the implementation of the programme. The PED will undertake a number of activities including workshops, public meetings, the distribution of publications and audiovisuals. campaigns, outreach to the youth and educational tours of Parliament. In undertaking the programme. Parliament will work closely with Provincial Legislatures, Government Departments, civil society and the media. To consult with these agencies and to build support for the programme, a national conference will be held early next year. Prior to this conference, preparatory conferences will be held in each province. The provincial conferences will also design strategies for outreach to the different sectors within the province and plan for the implementation of joint activities. Parliament calls on all members of the public, organisations and the different sectors of society to become actively involved in the programme and the drive to deepen democracy in our country. Individuals and organisations requiring more information or wanting to make an input into the programme can telephone the PED on (021) 403 2460.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996-05-03
Influence of local economic development strategic leaders on the formulation of the integrated development plan, Makana Municipality, Eastern Cape
- Authors: Nonxuba, Mnweba McNair
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Local Economic Development (Programme) , Community development -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Municipal government -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Strategic planning -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions -- 21st century , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MBA
- Identifier: vital:832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013176
- Description: The influence of local economic development strategic leaders on how Integrated Development Plans (IDP) are developed is critical to gain insights into strategic planning directed towards economically developing municipalities. Concisely, the aim of this qualitative study was to gain a multiple understanding of how LED strategic leaders, namely managers of the LED directorate and sub-directorates at Makana local municipality influenced the IDP formulation. The fact that these LED strategic leaders, ‘make consequential or strategic decisions’ suggests that their decisions have an influence on the IDP formulation. Thus, the key research question in this study was: How do LED strategic leaders at Makana local municipality influence the formulation of the IDP at this municipality? This qualitative research used purposive sampling of incidents upheld by LED Strategic leaders. A total of ten in-depth and semi-structured interviews were conducted with four LED strategic leaders regarding incidents of their perceived influence on the formulation of the Integrated Development Plan at Makana. The interviews were in-depth in order to gain a rich understanding of their perspectives of reality. As the number of LED strategic leaders was already very small, all the four leaders at Makana participated in this study. Interview data was transcribed and analyzed using open coding and constant comparison. Member check was conducted to enhance confirmability of the findings of this study. Findings indicate that LED strategic leaders perceived their influence on the formulation of the IDP Makana municipality in four varied ways. Predominantly, LED strategic leaders commonly perceived that they had influence in setting evidence-driven direction, and searching for fitness of activities and issues with LED strategy. Thereafter, the other ways in which these LED strategic leaders perceived how they influenced the IDP formulation involve the facilitation of clarity and local relevance of LED mandates, and finally the integration of multiple economic voices of stakeholders. This demonstrates that LED strategic leaders at Makana emphasize proactively managing strategy process rather than content in terms of identifying key opportunities and major economic drivers in the local milieu. Instead, they perceived their influence as characterized by enhancing compliance with bringing the process of municipal strategy formulation closer to stakeholders. Implications of these findings are highlighted.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Nonxuba, Mnweba McNair
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Local Economic Development (Programme) , Community development -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Municipal government -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Strategic planning -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions -- 21st century , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MBA
- Identifier: vital:832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013176
- Description: The influence of local economic development strategic leaders on how Integrated Development Plans (IDP) are developed is critical to gain insights into strategic planning directed towards economically developing municipalities. Concisely, the aim of this qualitative study was to gain a multiple understanding of how LED strategic leaders, namely managers of the LED directorate and sub-directorates at Makana local municipality influenced the IDP formulation. The fact that these LED strategic leaders, ‘make consequential or strategic decisions’ suggests that their decisions have an influence on the IDP formulation. Thus, the key research question in this study was: How do LED strategic leaders at Makana local municipality influence the formulation of the IDP at this municipality? This qualitative research used purposive sampling of incidents upheld by LED Strategic leaders. A total of ten in-depth and semi-structured interviews were conducted with four LED strategic leaders regarding incidents of their perceived influence on the formulation of the Integrated Development Plan at Makana. The interviews were in-depth in order to gain a rich understanding of their perspectives of reality. As the number of LED strategic leaders was already very small, all the four leaders at Makana participated in this study. Interview data was transcribed and analyzed using open coding and constant comparison. Member check was conducted to enhance confirmability of the findings of this study. Findings indicate that LED strategic leaders perceived their influence on the formulation of the IDP Makana municipality in four varied ways. Predominantly, LED strategic leaders commonly perceived that they had influence in setting evidence-driven direction, and searching for fitness of activities and issues with LED strategy. Thereafter, the other ways in which these LED strategic leaders perceived how they influenced the IDP formulation involve the facilitation of clarity and local relevance of LED mandates, and finally the integration of multiple economic voices of stakeholders. This demonstrates that LED strategic leaders at Makana emphasize proactively managing strategy process rather than content in terms of identifying key opportunities and major economic drivers in the local milieu. Instead, they perceived their influence as characterized by enhancing compliance with bringing the process of municipal strategy formulation closer to stakeholders. Implications of these findings are highlighted.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
An analysis of corporate power in South Africa’s public policy, 1996-2014
- Authors: Mvenene,Mbasa
- Date: 2022-12
- Subjects: Business enterprises --Law and legislation --South Africa , Political corruption – South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/59489 , vital:62122
- Description: The crux of this study is an analysis of the relations between corporate power and public policy in South Africa, in the period 1996 to 2014. The study’s focus is on corporate power’s influence on South Africa’s public policy and the various means through which power is exerted by the former to shape and control the latter, through the influence of the public policy process and outcome. The study achieves this by arguing that the GEAR and BEE policies failed to achieve their stated objectives, and instead serve as conduits for the exertion of inordinate public policy influence by corporate power. The study analyses how the placing of ANC leaders on major corporate boards has influenced South Africa’s public policy. The study will also examine the ways in which private corporate donations influence public officeholders in the governing ANC. The study also seeks to explore why the ANC with its seemingly progressive stance and history is susceptible to following neoliberal policies pushed for by political forces largely but not exclusively outside the party in the industries described to be targets of redistribution, mining, energy, and finance. The study asserts that private corporate donations made to the governing ANC have a corrupting effect on public policy and corrode democratic decision making and ultimately the public good. This study presents the argument that the ANC-aligned black political elite was co-opted into the structure of economic dominance with the GEAR and BEE policies and hence the prevalence of neoliberal economic policy in post-apartheid South Africa. The study also addresses the intricate relationship between the corporate and political elite, business, and money in South Africa’s elitist public policy landscape , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-12
- Authors: Mvenene,Mbasa
- Date: 2022-12
- Subjects: Business enterprises --Law and legislation --South Africa , Political corruption – South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/59489 , vital:62122
- Description: The crux of this study is an analysis of the relations between corporate power and public policy in South Africa, in the period 1996 to 2014. The study’s focus is on corporate power’s influence on South Africa’s public policy and the various means through which power is exerted by the former to shape and control the latter, through the influence of the public policy process and outcome. The study achieves this by arguing that the GEAR and BEE policies failed to achieve their stated objectives, and instead serve as conduits for the exertion of inordinate public policy influence by corporate power. The study analyses how the placing of ANC leaders on major corporate boards has influenced South Africa’s public policy. The study will also examine the ways in which private corporate donations influence public officeholders in the governing ANC. The study also seeks to explore why the ANC with its seemingly progressive stance and history is susceptible to following neoliberal policies pushed for by political forces largely but not exclusively outside the party in the industries described to be targets of redistribution, mining, energy, and finance. The study asserts that private corporate donations made to the governing ANC have a corrupting effect on public policy and corrode democratic decision making and ultimately the public good. This study presents the argument that the ANC-aligned black political elite was co-opted into the structure of economic dominance with the GEAR and BEE policies and hence the prevalence of neoliberal economic policy in post-apartheid South Africa. The study also addresses the intricate relationship between the corporate and political elite, business, and money in South Africa’s elitist public policy landscape , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, School of Governmental and Social Sciences, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-12
The Coega project: creative politicking in Post-Apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Mtimka, Ongama
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government , Industrial development projects -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:9425 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1576 , South Africa -- Politics and government , Industrial development projects -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Description: This treatise revisits the process of the implementation of the Coega Project and discusses political economic issues which emerge therein locating them in the political economic context of post-1994 South Africa. Based on an in-depth study of the “Coega Story”, and three years of observing the Coega Development Corporation engaging in the political economic space to implement the project, key themes which are relevant in understanding the nature of politics in the country are highlighted and discussed with a view to drawing lessons for future implementers of economic development projects and policy makers. Key discussions in the study include a critical analysis of the symbiotic relationship between politics and development (or broadly the economy) – where emphasis is made about the centrality of politics in implementing economic development projects; the developmental state – where key characteristics of a developmental state are highlighted; the transition from apartheid to democracy and its implications on the nature of political relations post-apartheid; industrial development as a growth strategy and the interplay of social forces in the post- 1994 political economic space. The Coega Project is located within the broader context of the ruling party seeking to advance what is called the second and, perhaps the ultimate task of the liberation struggle, socio-economic liberation. Its strategic fit in that task is discussed critically taking into account paths to industrialisation as they have been observed from Newly Industrialising Countries and South Africa’s attempts at industrialisation before and after 1994.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Mtimka, Ongama
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government , Industrial development projects -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:9425 , http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1576 , South Africa -- Politics and government , Industrial development projects -- South Africa -- Port Elizabeth
- Description: This treatise revisits the process of the implementation of the Coega Project and discusses political economic issues which emerge therein locating them in the political economic context of post-1994 South Africa. Based on an in-depth study of the “Coega Story”, and three years of observing the Coega Development Corporation engaging in the political economic space to implement the project, key themes which are relevant in understanding the nature of politics in the country are highlighted and discussed with a view to drawing lessons for future implementers of economic development projects and policy makers. Key discussions in the study include a critical analysis of the symbiotic relationship between politics and development (or broadly the economy) – where emphasis is made about the centrality of politics in implementing economic development projects; the developmental state – where key characteristics of a developmental state are highlighted; the transition from apartheid to democracy and its implications on the nature of political relations post-apartheid; industrial development as a growth strategy and the interplay of social forces in the post- 1994 political economic space. The Coega Project is located within the broader context of the ruling party seeking to advance what is called the second and, perhaps the ultimate task of the liberation struggle, socio-economic liberation. Its strategic fit in that task is discussed critically taking into account paths to industrialisation as they have been observed from Newly Industrialising Countries and South Africa’s attempts at industrialisation before and after 1994.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
The Dakar Conference: a different perspective
- Authors: Moorcroft, E K
- Date: 1987-11
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government Resistance to – South Africa , Dakar Conference (1987, Dakar)
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57784 , vital:26989 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: E.K. Moorcroft's article on the Dakar Conference - the political discussions held in Dakar, Senegal, between the 9th and 12th of July 1987, between members of IDASA and the ANC. Article appeared in the journal titled "Reality: a journal of liberal and radical opinion", vol. 19, no. 6, issue dated November 1987.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-11
- Authors: Moorcroft, E K
- Date: 1987-11
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government Resistance to – South Africa , Dakar Conference (1987, Dakar)
- Language: English
- Type: text , article
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57784 , vital:26989 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: E.K. Moorcroft's article on the Dakar Conference - the political discussions held in Dakar, Senegal, between the 9th and 12th of July 1987, between members of IDASA and the ANC. Article appeared in the journal titled "Reality: a journal of liberal and radical opinion", vol. 19, no. 6, issue dated November 1987.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987-11
IDASA - Untitled letter to Isobel Douglas-Jones
- Mitchell, Wayne, Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa
- Authors: Mitchell, Wayne , Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa
- Date: 1987
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government Resistance to – South Africa , Black Sash (Society) -- Letters and correspondence , Slabbert, F. van Zyl (Frederik van Zyl), 1940-2010
- Language: English
- Type: text , letter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57737 , vital:26986 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: Letter written by Wayne Mitchell (National Co-ordinator: IDASA - Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa)) to Isobel Douglas-Jones (Black Sash - Eastern Cape Region), The letter was written in response to a letter (dated 30 August 1987) written by Isobel Douglas-Jones to Dr. Slabbert (Dr. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert). Letter undated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987
- Authors: Mitchell, Wayne , Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa
- Date: 1987
- Subjects: Apartheid -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , Government Resistance to – South Africa , Black Sash (Society) -- Letters and correspondence , Slabbert, F. van Zyl (Frederik van Zyl), 1940-2010
- Language: English
- Type: text , letter
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57737 , vital:26986 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: Letter written by Wayne Mitchell (National Co-ordinator: IDASA - Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa)) to Isobel Douglas-Jones (Black Sash - Eastern Cape Region), The letter was written in response to a letter (dated 30 August 1987) written by Isobel Douglas-Jones to Dr. Slabbert (Dr. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert). Letter undated.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1987
Democratization of state institutions and processes: a critical ingredient for good governance
- Authors: Masango, Sebenzile
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/20341 , vital:29265
- Description: In itself ‘democratization’ is a wide field of study which can be subdivided into various subfields. The content of this lecture is mainly derived from the key focus areas of the research I have conducted. My research mainly contributes to the building and strengthening of democracy and good governance.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Masango, Sebenzile
- Subjects: Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government , f-sa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Lectures
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/20341 , vital:29265
- Description: In itself ‘democratization’ is a wide field of study which can be subdivided into various subfields. The content of this lecture is mainly derived from the key focus areas of the research I have conducted. My research mainly contributes to the building and strengthening of democracy and good governance.
- Full Text:
An analysis of the framework for measuring parliamentary performance in South Africa (2004-2009)
- Authors: Mapolisa, Vuyani Welcome
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: South Africa -- Parliament , Representative government and representation -- South Africa , Organizational effectiveness -- Measurement , Performance -- Measurement , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPA
- Identifier: vital:11616 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/414 , South Africa -- Parliament , Representative government and representation -- South Africa , Organizational effectiveness -- Measurement , Performance -- Measurement , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The aim of the study was to analyse the framework for measuring parliamentary performance in South Africa. The researcher wanted to assess the current system challenges and gaps for measuring performance of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa with special reference to the core business of Parliament and to provide a performance management model and tools that can be adopted by Parliament to address the core business of Parliament challenges and problems. In this study, relevant literature was reviewed. The researcher dwelled on the concept of performance management, historical perspective, elements of performance management and benefits derived from the system. The critical issue that was discussed under this section was the comparison amongst countries. It was evident that there are countries that are measuring both administrative and political arm of government. The data collection instruments that were used were questionnaires and interviews. Questionnaires were distributed to The Secretariat to the National Parliament, Chief Directors, General Managers and Senior Managers. Interviews were held with Presiding Officers: Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Chairperson of Chairpersons, and Deputy Chairperson of Chairpersons, Chief Whips, Whips of Committees and Chairpersons of Committees. A thematic analysis was employed and the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used. After analysing the data, the researcher arrived at conclusions and thereafter suggested recommendations. The researcher proffered a model by examining different best models of the world and selecting some of those components. The model indicates performance outcomes, which are; accountability, responsiveness, representativity, transparency and impact as well as parliamentary mandates, which are the Constitutional mandates in a matrix.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Mapolisa, Vuyani Welcome
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: South Africa -- Parliament , Representative government and representation -- South Africa , Organizational effectiveness -- Measurement , Performance -- Measurement , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPA
- Identifier: vital:11616 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/414 , South Africa -- Parliament , Representative government and representation -- South Africa , Organizational effectiveness -- Measurement , Performance -- Measurement , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: The aim of the study was to analyse the framework for measuring parliamentary performance in South Africa. The researcher wanted to assess the current system challenges and gaps for measuring performance of the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa with special reference to the core business of Parliament and to provide a performance management model and tools that can be adopted by Parliament to address the core business of Parliament challenges and problems. In this study, relevant literature was reviewed. The researcher dwelled on the concept of performance management, historical perspective, elements of performance management and benefits derived from the system. The critical issue that was discussed under this section was the comparison amongst countries. It was evident that there are countries that are measuring both administrative and political arm of government. The data collection instruments that were used were questionnaires and interviews. Questionnaires were distributed to The Secretariat to the National Parliament, Chief Directors, General Managers and Senior Managers. Interviews were held with Presiding Officers: Speaker, Deputy Speaker, Chairperson of Chairpersons, and Deputy Chairperson of Chairpersons, Chief Whips, Whips of Committees and Chairpersons of Committees. A thematic analysis was employed and the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) was used. After analysing the data, the researcher arrived at conclusions and thereafter suggested recommendations. The researcher proffered a model by examining different best models of the world and selecting some of those components. The model indicates performance outcomes, which are; accountability, responsiveness, representativity, transparency and impact as well as parliamentary mandates, which are the Constitutional mandates in a matrix.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
South African Government and Politics: POL 222
- Authors: Lushaba, L , Ferrim, V
- Date: 2010-01
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Examination paper
- Identifier: vital:18260 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1011256
- Description: South African Government and Politics: POL 222, Supplementary examination January 2010.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2010-01
- Authors: Lushaba, L , Ferrim, V
- Date: 2010-01
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Examination paper
- Identifier: vital:18260 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1011256
- Description: South African Government and Politics: POL 222, Supplementary examination January 2010.
- Full Text: false
- Date Issued: 2010-01
Objecting to apartheid: the history of the end conscription campaign
- Authors: Jones, David
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA (History)
- Identifier: vital:11538 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998 , End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
- Authors: Jones, David
- Date: 2013
- Subjects: End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA (History)
- Identifier: vital:11538 , http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998 , End Conscription Campaign (South Africa) , Apartheid -- South Africa , Government, Resistance to South Africa , Conscientious objection South Africa , South Africa -- Social conditions , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Description: It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2013
Land redistribution and state decentralisation in South Africa
- Authors: Jaricha, Desmond Tichaona
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Decentralization in government -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3374 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013120
- Description: South Africa is a new democracy that has had to deal with many historical remnants of apartheid. One of the main remnants has been land dispossession and massive inequalities along racial lines of access to land for agricultural purposes. In countering this, the post-apartheid state has pursued land redistribution programmes since the end of apartheid in 1994, as part of a broader land reform project. Simultaneously, post-apartheid South Africa has been marked by significant state restructuring notably a process of state de-centralisation including the positioning of municipalities as development agents. Amongst other goals, this is designed to democratise the state given the authoritarian and exclusive character of the apartheid state, and thereby to democratise development initiatives and programmes. Land redistribution and state decentralisation in South Africa are different political processes with their own specific dynamics. They have though become interlinked and intertwined but not necessarily in a coherent and integrated manner. Within broader global developments pertaining to state decentralisation and land redistribution, the thesis examines the complex relations between these two processes in South Africa. In particular, I analyse critically the decentralised character of the land redistribution programme in South Africa. In order to concretise and illustrate key themes and points, I discuss a particular land redistribution project called Masizakhe located in Makana Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Jaricha, Desmond Tichaona
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Land reform -- South Africa , Land tenure -- South Africa , Agriculture -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Decentralization in government -- South Africa , Local government -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3374 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013120
- Description: South Africa is a new democracy that has had to deal with many historical remnants of apartheid. One of the main remnants has been land dispossession and massive inequalities along racial lines of access to land for agricultural purposes. In countering this, the post-apartheid state has pursued land redistribution programmes since the end of apartheid in 1994, as part of a broader land reform project. Simultaneously, post-apartheid South Africa has been marked by significant state restructuring notably a process of state de-centralisation including the positioning of municipalities as development agents. Amongst other goals, this is designed to democratise the state given the authoritarian and exclusive character of the apartheid state, and thereby to democratise development initiatives and programmes. Land redistribution and state decentralisation in South Africa are different political processes with their own specific dynamics. They have though become interlinked and intertwined but not necessarily in a coherent and integrated manner. Within broader global developments pertaining to state decentralisation and land redistribution, the thesis examines the complex relations between these two processes in South Africa. In particular, I analyse critically the decentralised character of the land redistribution programme in South Africa. In order to concretise and illustrate key themes and points, I discuss a particular land redistribution project called Masizakhe located in Makana Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
A comparative analysis of the low voter turnout in 2006 and 2011 municipal elections: Lukhanji municipality
- Authors: Jakuja, Noxolo
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Voter turnout -- South Africa , Voter registration -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5995 , vital:21023
- Description: The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Jakuja, Noxolo
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Voter turnout -- South Africa , Voter registration -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MPhil
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10948/5995 , vital:21023
- Description: The aim of this study was to conduct a comparative analysis of the low voter turnout of the 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality. The study came as a result of the researcher’s observations of the low voter turnout during the 2011 municipal elections across the country. Upon further investigation, it was discovered that the previous municipal election of 2006 also experienced low voter turnout. However, this was not the case with national and provincial elections, because since the first election that took place in 1994, voter turnout has been high. Lukhanji Municipality, which is the area of residence for the researcher, was no different from the rest of South Africa, when it comes to low voter turnout for the municipal elections and high voter turnout for national and provincial elections. It was noted that there has never been a detailed research study conducted in Lukhanji Municipality regarding the subject in question, and also that there is a limited amount of literature that seeks to investigate voter turnout in local elections in South Africa. The large amount of available literature focuses on voter turnout during national and provincial elections in established democracies. The literature review extensively explored the determinants of voter turnout in all levels of elections. From those tested elsewhere, it was evident that no single factor can be the cause of low voting during an election, therefore it was fundamental to investigate the causes of low voter turnout of the municipal elections with special focus on Lukhanji Municipality. It became evident from the study, that indeed various factors may have led to low voter turnout during 2006 and 2011 municipal elections in Lukhanji Municipality.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
Call to boycott
- Grahamstown Action Group (GAG)
- Authors: Grahamstown Action Group (GAG)
- Date: 1985-09
- Subjects: South Africa -- Race relations -- History -- 20th century , Boycotts -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: text , tracts (ephemera)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57692 , vital:26981 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: Pamphlet designed to elicit support from white residents in Grahamstown, in supporting the boycott of white-owned businesses as called by the residents of the "Grahamstown's African townships". The boycott was the third in 1985, and was intended to achieve specific outcomes, such as the end to the State of Emergency, the release of political detainees, and the lifting of the ban on public meetings.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985-09
- Authors: Grahamstown Action Group (GAG)
- Date: 1985-09
- Subjects: South Africa -- Race relations -- History -- 20th century , Boycotts -- South Africa -- Grahamstown , South Africa -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: text , tracts (ephemera)
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/57692 , vital:26981 , This item is held at the Cory Library for Humanities Research at Rhodes University. For further information contact cory@ru.ac.za. The digitisation of this image was made possible through a generous grant received from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation 2014-2017.
- Description: Pamphlet designed to elicit support from white residents in Grahamstown, in supporting the boycott of white-owned businesses as called by the residents of the "Grahamstown's African townships". The boycott was the third in 1985, and was intended to achieve specific outcomes, such as the end to the State of Emergency, the release of political detainees, and the lifting of the ban on public meetings.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985-09