Reality: a Journal of Liberal Opinion
- Date: 1969-1972
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Periodicals , Politics, Practical -- Periodicals , Political rights -- Periodicals
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76071 , vital:30499
- Description: Here the agreement between these two Ministers comes to an abrupt end. For while Dr. Koornhof says categorically that the only honourable way in which to do this, is by developing the resources of the homelands, Mr. Froneman states equally categorically that it is no part of the white man's duty to do so. Dr. Koornhof speaks of the moral and altruistic elements in the policy of separate development. Mr. Froneman speaks in the harshest and most callous terms of millions of "surplus" Africans, who must be sent back to their homelands, no matter what awaits them there. He says that African labourers in "white" areas must not be burdened with "superfluous appendages", such as wives, children, and dependents who could not provide service. These two men are in the same Cabinet. If one has been rebuked, it was done in private. And if it was done, it was no doubt done in a semi-jocular manner — "Fronnie, old boy, we all know what you mean, but you must learn to talk prettily." These two men do not represent two irreconcilable wings of the Nationalist Party, they represent the two essential elements of the policy of separate development. And these two elements are essential to each other. Either by itself would be dangerous. Either by itself would be unacceptable. Neither Mr. Froneman nor Dr. Koornhof has reached the stage when one cannot bear to be in the same Cabinet as the other. Although each of these two elements and each of these prototypes, is essential to the other, they do not co-exist in perfect harmony. The one is a naked baas, the other is a bass clothed in soft raiment. The first thinks the second is a sissy, the second thinks the first is a barbarian. They do not say so publicly, but their newspapers do, and that is not good. In the absence of any official pronouncement we must assume that they have been told that the sissy and the barbarian are essential to one another. The sissy will get the barbarian into nice company, the barbarian will protect the sissy if the nice company turns nasty. Why is it that although the barbarian and the sissy do not co-exist in harmony, they are (in spite of the dreams of rift-seekers) essential, the one to the other? Why do the callousness and the altruism not go to civil war? The answer is that neither of them is a fundamental. They are both imposed on something that is fundamental, and that is the preservation of white supremacy (which can be more gently called self-preservation, a soft word that turns wrath in some circles). Neither the callousness nor the altruism is part of the deep monolithic core. The cracks can show, the paint can peel, the fragments can flake off, but the core remains untouched. In times of ease (such as the present), one sees and hears and reads much of the cracking and the fragmentation. In times of danger (which will come), one is conscious of the monolithic core, which is like an ironwood heart in a softwood tree. If we accept the view that Mr. Froneman and Dr. Koornhof have something deep and fundamental in common, is there therefore nothing to choose between them? Or are Dr. Koornhof and his kind, bearers of hope for the future? For Mr. Froneman and his kind certainly are not. Their dream of the total separation of the races, if one chooses to dignfiy it by the use of such a term, is a dream which must be realised at whatever cost, and the cost will be the bitterness, and inevitably the hatred, of millions of Africans towards the white masters who make such heartless use of their power. It is claimed by our rulers that such bitterness does not exist except in the imaginations of sentimentalists and agitators, and it is true that the patience of Africans appears to be infinite. It takes a train disaster to strip the mask from the smiling face. Are Dr. Koornhof and his kind, bearers of hope for the future? Like Mr. Froneman, Dr. Koornhof believes in the policy of separate development. He does not attempt to conceal that this is to be done in the interests of self- preservation. If the homelands are developed, then more and more Africans will leave "white" South Africa to return to the places from which they were driven by the need for work, money, and food. Although Dr. Koornhof did not say so, it is justifiable to infer that he believes that white South Africa will be more secure if it sheds itself of its Africans, surplus or otherwise. There will be no competition in the labour market, no crime by rootless young black men in the beautiful white suburbs, and most important of all, no night of the long knife. But Dr. Koornhof wants this transformation to be made with justice. There must be work and food and hope in the homelands, and they must be helped to achieve autonomy, political and cultural and economic. It is the economic autonomy that poses the greatest difficulty. Even if it does not mean economic independence, it should mean a healthy economic relationship with "white" South Africa. This is where Mr. Froneman parts company with Dr. Koornhof. And this is where REALITY parts company with Dr. Koornhof too. The recognition that there can he no political and cultural autonomy unless there is at least a healthy relationship with “white” South Africa, is for REALITY a recognition by its political opponents that there are moral considera' tions which transcend those of naed self-preservation. These considerations were blue-printed (inadequately) by Professor Tomlinson in the ninteen- fifties, inexplicably ignored by Dr, Verwoerd (his biographer may one day explain why), and are now, in 1969, alternately honoured and dismissed by a two-tongued Cabinet. In any case REALITY rejects the Tomlinson or any other similar blueprint. The wealth of “white” South Africa was created by all of us jointly, and it belongs to all those who created is. , Journal includes vol. 1 no. 2 to vol. 1 no. 6 ; vol 2 no. 1 to vol. 2 no. 6 and vol. 3 no. 1 to vol. 3 no. 6 , Vol. 2 no. 3 is missing
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LCT in mixed-methods research: evolving an instrument for quantitative data
- Authors: Maton, Karl , Howard, Sarah Katherine
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66479 , vital:28954
- Description: publisher version , A mantra of social science declares a fundamental divide between the quantitative and the qualitative that involves more than methods. According to this depiction, the two methodologies are intrinsically associated with a range of ontological, epistemological, political and moral stances. Each of these constellations of stances is strongly integrated, such that choice of method is held to involve a series of associated choices. Each constellation is also strongly opposed to the other, along axes labelled positivism/constructivism, scientism/humanism, conservative/critical, old/new, among others. These ‘binary constellations’ (Maton 2014b: 148-70) offer a forced choice between two tightly-knit sets of practices that are portrayed as jointly exhaustive and mutually exclusive. So widespread is this methodological binarism that many scholars ‘are left with the impression that they have to pledge allegiance to one research school of thought or the other’ (Johnson and Onwuegbuzie 2004: 14). A competing mantra disclaims this divide. Distinctions underpinning the picture of binary constellations have been regularly dissolved. Arguments that one deals with numbers, the other with words, one studies behaviour, the other reveals meanings, one is hypothetico-deductive, the other inductive, one enables generalization, the other explores singular depth, among others, have been repeatedly undermined (e.g. Hammersley 1992). Indeed, the death of the divide is frequently declared. Calls for ‘transcending’ (Salomon 1991) or ‘getting over’ (Howe 1992) the quantitative-qualitative debate and arguments for mixed-methods research (Brannen 2005; Johnson and Onwuegbuzie 2004) are recurrent. These calls highlight how the methodologies offer complementary insights for research and demonstrate that eschewing either methodology on principle is unnecessarily renouncing potential explanatory power. However, the call to mixed-methods research remains more breached than honoured. Methodological monotheism remains dominant – studies of education and society typically adopt either quantitative or qualitative methods. As we shall discuss, the former is typically associated with the influence of psychology and the latter is often claimed as emblematic of sociology. Studies utilizing the sociological frameworks on which Legitimation Code Theory (LCT) builds have echoed this pattern by overwhelmingly adopting qualitative methods. Accordingly, Part I of this volume begins by exploring how LCT concepts can be enacted in qualitative research (Chapter 2). However, LCT is not limited to one methodology and a growing body of mixed-methods research is engaging with both qualitative and quantitative data. In this chapter we illustrate how this research works and the gains it offers. For resolutely qualitative researchers, the prospect of reading anything quantitative, even in mixed-methods research, may be unenticing. However, it would be a mistake to pass over this chapter, for several reasons. First, we offer insights into research practice that might surprise such scholars. As Bourdieu argued, ‘methodological indictments are too often no more than a disguised way of making a virtue out of necessity, of feigning to dismiss, to ignore in an active way, what one is ignorant of in fact’ (Bourdieu and Wacquant 1992: 226). Our aim is to contribute towards removing this reason for one-sidedness. We show, for example, how quantitative methods confound their common portrayal as neat, straightforward and procedural; they are complex and involved and require craft work and judgement. Our focus is, therefore, more practical than metaphysical. We shall not enter seemingly endless debates over whether the ‘quantitative-qualitative divide’ refers to paradigms, epistemologies or methods and whether these are complementary or incommensurable. Rather, we discuss the development of an instrument for enacting LCT concepts in quantitative methods and ground this account in real examples of mixed-methods research. Specifically, we trace the evolution of an instrument for embedding specialization codes within questionnaires through its creation for research into school music and then its development within studies of educational technology. Given that mathematics can be off-putting to the noviciate, we minimize discussion of statistics and explain measures in lay terms. Second, this is much more than a story of quantitative methods. The evolution of the instrument both shaped qualitative methods and was shaped by the data they generated, offering insights into how qualitative research can more fully engage with LCT. Its development also involved intimate dialogue with theory that shed fresh light on LCT itself, making explicit the ‘gaze’ embodied by the framework (Chapter 1, this volume). We shall highlight wider lessons learned about the craft of enacting LCT in research, lessons of direct relevance for studies using any methods. Third, we shall illustrate the explanatory power offered by using quantitative and qualitative methods together, such as providing a robust basis for detailed findings, identifying wider-scale trends typically inaccessible to qualitative methods that provide a context for their data, and facilitating knowledge-building through greater replicability across contexts and over time. For example, the technology studies built directly on the music studies to cumulatively develop the instrument and generated probably the largest data set in code sociology: 97,386 responses (83,937 student and 13,449 staff surveys) on the organizing principles of academic subjects, alongside 20 in-depth qualitative case studies of secondary schools. This offers a foundation of substantial breadth and depth for making claims about knowledge practices across the disciplinary map and a firm basis on which future research into disciplinary differences can build. Moreover, the quantitative instrument itself can be adopted or adapted in new studies, further enabling cumulative knowledge-building. Given these substantive, methodological and theoretical gains, it is perhaps surprising there exists any temptation to skip past discussion of mixed-methods research. This reflects the methodological character of the fields in which LCT emerged. We thus begin by briefly illustrating how the sociological frameworks on which the theory builds have become distanced from quantitative methods.
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African Foreign Policies: Selecting signifiers to explain agency
- Authors: Bischoff, Paul, 1954-
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Africa Foreign relations 1960- , Africa Politics and government 1960-
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/161716 , vital:40657 , ISBN 9780367348281 , https://www.routledge.com/African-Foreign-Policies-Selecting-Signifiers-to-Explain-Agency/Bischoff/p/book/9780367348281
- Description: This book explores, at a time when several powers have become serious players on the continent, aspects of African agency, past and present, by African writers on foreign policy, representative of geography, language and state size. In the past, African foreign policy has largely been considered within the context of reactions to the international or global 'external factor'. This ground-breaking book, however, looks at how foreign policy has been crafted and used in response not just to external, but also, mainly, domestic imperatives or (theoretical) signifiers. As such, it narrates individual and changing foreign policy orientations over time - and as far back as independence - with mainly African-based scholars who present their own constructs of what is a useful theoretical narrative regarding foreign policy on the continent - how theory is adapted to local circumstance or substituted for continentally based ontologies. The book therefore contends that the African experience carries valuable import for expanding general understandings of foreign policy in general. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of Foreign Policy Analysis, Foreign Policy Studies, African International Relations/Politics/Studies, Diplomacy and more broadly to International Relations. , Introduction / Paul-Henri Bischoff -- What Next? Past and present African foreign policy concepts and practices / Paul-Henri Bischoff -- The African Union as a Foreign Policy Player: African Agency in International Cooperation / Tshepo Gwatiwa -- Unprincipled Pragmatism and Anti-Imperialist Impulses in an Interconnected World: The Zuma Presidency, 2009-2017 / Mzukisi Qobo -- Towards A Strategic Culture Approach to Understanding and Conceptualising Ethiopia's Foreign Policy Towards Israel and the Middle Eastern Arab Countries / Makonnen Tesfaye -- Nigeria's Foreign Policy and Intervention Behaviour in Africa: What Role for Agency? / Olumuyiwa Amao -- Zimbabwe and New Signifiers: Towards a cultural political economy of Foreign Policy Making / Mike Mavura -- Realist Conceptions of Kenya's Foreign Policy and Foreign Policy Behaviour: A Theoretical and Contextual Disposition / Korwa Gombe Adar and Mercy Kathambi Kaburu -- Addressing the Conceptual Void of African Small State Foreign Policy in Orthodox Theory: A Case Study of Botswana's Principled Pragmatism / Kabelo M. Mahupela -- Tunisia's Foreign Policy Towards France Before and After an Undemanding 'Revolution': A Theoretical Explanation of the An-Nahdha-led Interim Governments' Soft Policy / Ahmed Ali Salem -- Straddling Between Convergence and Divergence: A Constructivist's View of Malawi's Foreign Policy in Post-independence Africa / Eugenio Njoloma -- Strategies of a Small State Between Realism and Liberalism: Sixty Years of Guinea's Diplomacy and Foreign Policy (1958-2018) / Issaka K. Souaré -- Rethinking SADC's Collective Policymaking Processes on External Relations and Non-state Participation for Region-building / Cecilia Lwiindi Nedziwe -- Towards an Understanding of the Interplay Between Ghana's Foreign and Defence Policies / Kwesi Aning and Kwaku Danso -- Conclusion / Paul-Henri Bischoff
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Electoral systems: critical survey
- Authors: Asmal, Kader, 1934-2011
- Date: 1990-10-24
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Election law -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66455 , vital:28951 , ISBN 1868080498
- Description: Ever since union - and before - black South Africans have been excluded from parliament, provincial councils and other law-making bodies. This means that blacks have never participated in the electoral process. The voting (electoral) system - its nature and workings - remained the sole preserve of white political parties and the Apartheid government of the day. As a result of a conjuncture of circumstances (as per Harare Declaration), the African National Congress and the apart0heid government are now engaged in talks. Hopefully this will ultimately lead to negotiations towards a new Constitution which will make provision for a single unitary, non-racial, non-sexist South Africa with universal franchise on one single common voters roll and one person one vote. Part of the process of constitution-making for such a South Africa, will be the working out of a system of voting, an electoral system, which would be appropriate for the country. The African National Congress has recognised the need for a multi-party system, the right of all other political forces and organisations to organise and to compete for power on the political terrain. The ANC also recognises that all parties enjoying significant support should have the right to be represented in a Constituent Assembly and parliament. The question which needs to be resolved is: What would be an appropriate electoral system to achieve the stated objec0tive? It is to place the issue before the people of our country and to ensure participation at the widest levels by all the organisa0tions of the people in the process of constitution-making (including formulating and/or agreeing upon an acceptable system of voting), that the African National Congress, Community Law Centre (University of the Western Cape) and the Centre for Development Studies have organised a conference to be held in the Western Cape on 2 - 4 NOVEM0BER 1990. This conference will not be a decision-making one. nor will there be any resolutions at the end of the conference. The objective is to facilitate meaningful discussions throughout the country. To facilitate this process, we present a discussion document entitled "ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A CRITICAL SURVEY" which has been prepared by Professor KADER ASMAL, a member of the Constitutional Committee of the ANC and Professor of Law at Trinity College, Dublin. It is hoped that arising from these discussions, there will be more meaningful discussions and consultations amongst or0ganisations such as trade unions, civic organisations, women’s organisations and other sectoral or0ganisations - ultimately leading to a situation which we would be better able to decide on an acceptable, unity building and democratic electoral system. , "The Community Law Centre (UWC) & Centre for Development Studies in conjunction with the ANC Constitutional Committee."--Cover
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APDUSA: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Authors: APDUSA
- Date: 1995-04-15/16
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , APDUSA , Labour unions -- South Africa -- Congresses
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66088 , vital:28899
- Description: The Fourth National Conference of the APDUSA, held in Ezibeleni, Queenstown on 15/16 April 1995, must be marked as one of the most significant events in the history of the organisation. Taking place one year after the establishment of a new political order in South Africa, it was a pertinent time to assess its import in the face of the critical problems that still beset the nation. The achievement of the universal franchise, after long years of bitter struggle, has indeed been a signal victory for the labouring masses of South Africa. But it is a victory that has brought no improvement in the socio-economic conditions of their existence. Still suffering on the anvil of oppression and exploitation, the millions of workers and land-starved peasants are fast losing faith in the ability of the new Government of National Unity to solve their problems. The struggle for liberation has thus entered a new phase. But the oppressed are also faced with a crisis of leadership. Their organisations of struggle are in disarray, with many of those who formerly occupied leading positions, having departed to take up positions in the institutions of government. In this situation, the task of mapping out the programmatic basis of the future course of their struggle, is one of utmost importance. These are the questions that commanded the attention of the APDUSA conference. Against the background, it is fitting that the large majority of those participating in the conference were members of the new generation. Theirs was a major contribution. After a thorough assessment of the new needs of the struggle, conference resolved to redefine and sharpen the political programme of the APDUSA. In so doing, it remains governed by its commitment to the interests of the workers and the landless peasantry in both its short term and long term objectives.
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An exploration of the principle of Dance Movement Therapy in water resource management research practice:
- Authors: Copteros, Athina
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/142016 , vital:38024 , ISBN PECS Conference: Social-ecological dynamics in the Anthropocene, Spier Estate, Cape Town, 2-5 November , http://www.pecs-science.org/research/news/news/2015pecsconferencesocialecologicaldynamicsintheanthropocene.5.40768cbb14b32a0480b694.html
- Description: An exploration of the principle of Dance Movement Therapy in water resource management research practice
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Discussion document on economic policy
- Authors: Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1990-09-20-23
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Economic conditions , Apartheid -- Economic aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66691 , vital:28982
- Description: This document has been prepared for debate within the ranks of the ANC. It does not represent an agreed policy, but rather seeks to contribute to a democratic process of formulating our movement's economic policy. The movement believes that economic policy should address itself to the demands and needs of the majority of the people, and active discussion and debate is essential if they are to have a more prominent place. The ANC has long recognised the necessity for political liberation and constitutional changes to be accompanied by socioeconomic transformation. The Freedom Charter proclaimed the necessity for the people to share in the countries wealth, for the land to be distributed to those who work it, for there to housing, security and comfort for all, and for the doors of learning and culture to opened. The constitutional guidelines also recognised the need for economic restructuring to be part of the process of constitutional change. , "This document has been prepared for debate within the ranks of the ANC". -- Introduction , "DEP workshop, Harare, 20-23 September 1990."
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Reinventing the oral word and returning it to the community via technauriture
- Authors: Kaschula, Russell H , Dlutu, Bongiwe
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67052 , vital:29024 , https://books.google.co.za/books?id=6IpwCgAAQBAJ
- Description: publisher version , From Introduction: The aim of this article is to situate the importance of orality in rural communities within the paradigm of Technauriture, which is defined below. The chapter will also explore/describe the process of orality supported through community meetings, oral histories, and story-telling, and how it interacts with the recording process facilitated through modern technology, as well as the return of the oral material via technology. These objectives will be pursued as part of empirical data collected at Tshani, an area falling within the in Mankosi tribal authority in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. Mankosi’s twelve villages are inhabited by amaXhosa people and is situated in the Ngqeleni district in the former Transkei region. Mankosi is about 76 kilometres away from Mthatha, the major city in that area. These villages are under the Nyandeni Local Municipality and are regarded as very disadvantaged. There is poor sanitation, gravel roads, and few local people have access to electricity. Most of the villagers depend on government support grants. These include Child Support Grants, Old Age Grants, Disability Grants, and Foster-Care Grants. Furthermore, most of the community is involved in small-scale agriculture for survival. People often move, temporarily, from their village to towns in order to gain employment, including domestic work and working on the mines in the mineral rich Gauteng Province. They send cash remittances home to their families. The primary technological devices that people in the village are familiar with would be radio and the cell phone. Even television sets are relatively uncommon.
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An industrial strategy for the South African footwear subsector
- Authors: Ismail, Faizel
- Date: 1993-03
- Subjects: Footwear industry -- Economic aspects -- South Africa , Footwear industry -- South Africa -- Planning , Labour unions -- South Africa , Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66033 , vital:28885
- Description: There is an emerging consensus amongst economic policy makers that amongst the most important development problems facing South Africa today are the extremely high unemployment levels (estimated at 40% of the formal labour force) and the need to satisfy the basic needs of South Africa's population (ie, food, shelter, clothing and footwear etc). There is also agreement that in order to achieve these twin objectives it is necessary to obtain positive and increasing economic growth rates. The question of how these high and sustainable economic growth rates can be achieved has spawned an intense debate about South Africa's future growth path. This debate about South Africa's economic future after Apartheid is based on differing evaluations of the opportunities offered by the country's current resource endowments and the constraints inhibiting growth (Moll, 1991a, 1991b; Kaplinsky, 1991; Jordan, 1991, Levy, 1991). Some writers1 have argued that a low wage, labour intensive export strategy is the only way that South Africa can rapidly create employment and meet the needs of international competition (Moll, 1991a). Moll therefore argues that increasing the demand for unskilled labour will benefit the poor most. To compete successfully internationally on the basis of low wages (as Moll suggests) is only possible by increasing relative poverty, resulting in increases in absolute poverty, it has been argued (Kaplinsky, 1992). The recent literature (Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990) on the success of the East Asian NICs (particularly South Korea and Taiwan) strongly refutes the neo-classical view (Little, 1979; Lai, 1983) that developing countries should grow by exploiting their static Comparative Advantage (CA), that is, exploiting the availability of abundant cheap labour. These writers (Amsden, 1989; Wade, 1990) argue that developing countries can move up the value added chain - making it possible for them to pay relatively higher wages - by selective intervention in the market A recent World Bank study (Levy, 1991) analyses the potential of South Africa's manufacturing sector to move on to a dynamic labour-demanding growth path. In analysing the potential of the Garment Sector (the most labour-intensive sector), Levy (1991) argues that South Africa's international comparative advantage lies in the mid- to-upper end of the world garment industry and expanding expons from this sector will increase employment and allow "moderate increases in real wages". In this paper we develop Levy's proposition - that a labour-demanding expon strategy is possible in South Africa for the Garment subsector - for the Footwear subsector. This study will focus on the Footwear subsector for the following reasons. This is a mature industry which is well-established in South Africa. It still remains labour-intensive and well suited like the garment subsector for a labour demanding growth strategy (Levy, 1992). It has a well developed infrastructure in South Africa. However the relative performance of this sector in comparison to that of countries at similar levels of development (the NICs) has been poor (discussed below). It is striking that Footwear has been a leading export sector for the most dynamic, Developing, as well as, Southern European economies during the 1970s and 1980s (Taiwan, Korea, Brazil, Italy, Spain, Portugal, China). Two sets of questions arise from the above discussion. Firstly, like the manufacturing sector as a whole, the performance of the South Afi can Footwear subsector has been unspectacular during the 1970s and 1980s. Why has ihis been so? What is the capability of the Footwear sector to supply the domestic market and to compete internationally ie, export? What are the implications of this for industrial policy? What incentives have been supplied to support the development of this sector and how effective have they been? What incentives will be required to advance the restructuring and development of this sector? What institutions exist in support of this industry and how can these institutions be developed and extended? Secondly, as South Africa develops a more outward oriented manufacturing strategy, it will have to understand the changing nature of international markets and international competition. How have these markets changed? What is the new basis of international competitiveness? What are the implications for South Africa? The objective of this study is to attempt to answer these two sets of questions. The second set of questions will not be answered in any detail in this study, but will draw extensively on a study undertaken by the author (see Ismail, 1992). Previous attempts at developing an analyses and strategy for the industry have been inward oriented (see Van Wyk's IDC Report, 1988) and ad hoc (BTI, 1990). Whilst Sid Cohn's Strat Plan 2000 has gone furthest in developing a systemic approach to the footwear industry, his focus on subcontracting as the main (labour) cost cutting measure has only served to gloss over the underlying inefficiencies of the industry in the management of raw materials and production. We provide a brief summary and critique of these strategies below before presenting a summary of our argument.
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Conclusion: The diversity of contemporary African foreign policy: Selecting Signifiers to explain Agency
- Authors: Bischoff, Paul, 1954-
- Date: 2020
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/161681 , vital:40654 , ISBN 9780367348281 , https://www.routledge.com/African-Foreign-Policies-Selecting-Signifiers-to-Explain-Agency/Bischoff/p/book/9780367348281
- Description: This book explores, at a time when several powers have become serious players on the continent, aspects of African agency, past and present, by African writers on foreign policy, representative of geography, language and state size.
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A basic guide to the Reconstruction and Development Programme
- Authors: African National Congress
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Reconstruction and development programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Social policy , African National Congress
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75927 , vital:30483 , 1874902062
- Description: The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.
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The Argus: Mandela, the road to freedom
- Authors: Cruywagen, Dennis , Drysdale, Andrew
- Date: 1990-02-06
- Subjects: Mandela, Nelson, 1918-2013 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1948-1994 , Apartheid -- South Africa , Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76128 , vital:30509
- Description: Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. , Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 , Exclusive Part 1
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Popular justice in a "new South Africa": from people's courts to community courts in Alexandra
- Authors: Nina, Daniel
- Date: 1992-03
- Subjects: Justice, Administration of -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Justice, Administration of -- South Africa , Courts -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/72807 , vital:30116 , 187485680X
- Description: Imagine a "new South Africa" in which, to borrow an idea from a former bureaucrat of the US State Department, history has come to an end.3 A new society in which class, race and gender are no longer necessary categories to define the social phenomenon. South Africa will be, then, the "terrestrial paradise". However, I am afraid to remind the reader that in this particular African country, history has not come to an end. This country experiences the most open and rude expression of struggle (class, race and gender), and it is difficult to foresee that in this period of transition, history or the struggle, will come to an end. Popular justice vis ei vis state justice is, perhaps, one of the best examples in which the struggle between the oppressed and the oppressors is manifested. But the popular justice that I am thinking of, is that particular experience of "people’s legality" that has emerged in South Africa since the popular revolts of the mid-1980s. It could have its origins in African (customary) traditions (Bapela, 1987), but the cultural experience that emerged during the last decade went beyond its traditionalist roots (Suttner, 1986). Thus, the distinctive element of popular justice is that it has been ingrained in a democratic movement for empowering the people. What people?4 Whose justice? In the specific context of South Africa, by people I understand the working class and working classes, unemployed and marginal sectors, and different social sectors that are struggling for equality (ie the youth, women, gays and lesbians, and others). By justice, I mean the development of a new legality that will take into consideration the many gains that have been achieved within the Western legal system of "rights and obligations" (Pashukanis, 1978:100), and that goes beyond that model in the construction of a democratic society with wider social participation. So far, it has been in South Africa’s black townships that an incipient expression of popular justice has emerged.6 The 1980s people’s courts represented a synthesis of a popular project defining its own structures of legality. State repression over these popular structures did not represent the end of the project. In contrast to other points of view that have viewed this experience as a prefigurative enterprise that did not accomplish its aims (see in general Allison, 1990), I argue that the experience of popular justice of the 1980s laid the foundation for a (long term) project leading towards a radical conception of democracy (Laclau, 1990:chapter 6). , Occasional papers (University of the Witwatersrand. Centre for Applied Legal Studies) ; v. 15
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Teaching Postcolonial Crime Fiction:
- Authors: Naidu, Samantha
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/158013 , vital:40139 , ISBN 978-3-319-90608-9
- Description: This chapter is a survey of teaching crime fiction in postcolonial South Africa. After offering a definition and historicisation of postcolonial crime fiction in general, the survey focuses on my third-year undergraduate course, ‘Sleuthing the State: South African Crime and Detective Fiction’. The survey includes a description of the curriculum content, teaching methods, forms of assessment and student evaluation. The chapter also contains theoretical discussion about the practical and ethical implications of teaching crime fiction in a turbulent and transitional socio-political context. To end, the chapter comments on the high points of this teaching experience and on some of the challenges encountered.
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Conference on the History of Opposition in Southern Africa
- Authors: Merè, Gary
- Date: 1978-01-27-30
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , Government, Resistance to -- South Africa -- Congresses , Apartheid -- South Africa -- Congresses , South Africa -- Social conditions -- Congresses
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66512 , vital:28957
- Description: The Inkatha movement has received, large publicity over the few years since its revival and especially recently with the formation of an alliance between Inkatha, the ("Coloured") labour Party and the ("Indian") Reform Party, Thi3 paper was done to suggest a possible approach, for discussion, to the analysis of current political, ideological and economic developments in the reserve areas of the South African social formation. More specifically the paper hopes to provide information that could be relevant to an analysis of developments in the kwaZulu region. An elaboration of the hints at an approach, integration of factors relating to the stage of capitalism in the South African social formation and class struggle would have made this a more satisfactory paper for discussion. The approach adopted has to be extremely tentative at this stage, both because of the immediate and obvious problems associated with contemporary research and analysis (It is even less possible to approach the subject with "objectivity", to "distance oneself from it", than is the case with topics that can more properly be called "history") but also because of the dearth of material available on the reserve "homeland" areas and the difficult y of doing research in these areas. (Wages Commission research into conditions on wattle plantations, Cosmas Desmond and others and their work on resettlement etc., and subsequent responses to these investigations, give some idea of the sensitivity of thin work), In the first section I will introduce certain concepts relating to an analysis of the "homelands" through some recent writing on these areas. References will be to the kwaZulu region. The second section deal.3 specifically with the Inkatha movement. Information relating to this movement is provided and one issue is presented in greater detail, hut no rigorous attempt is mado to apply the mode of analysis of the first section to the issues around the position of 'Inkatha. Indicators exist but with so many dynamics operative they can be no more than that. However, I do not believe that it is possible to understand the political, economic and ideological developments in the "homelands" without keeping the questions raised in the first section in mind - and definitely impossible to come to an adequate understanding if these areas are looked at in isolation, ie if apparently "internal" events and processes are not situated within a context broadly defined by the specific stage of the development of capitalism in South Africa (monopoly dominance), and without keeping in mind the history of class struggle within the social formation. , Class formation in the South African reserve areas: Inkatha - a study
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Job summit - reading pack: prepared for TCOE
- Authors: Trade Union Library & Education Centre
- Date: 19uu
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/60362 , vital:27773
- Description: Reading pack compiled in view of the Job Summit as emerged from Nedlac's Labour Market Commission report released in 1996.
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Take Me to the River:
- Authors: Kaschula, Russell H
- Date: 2006
- Language: isiXhosa
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/175339 , vital:42566 , ISBN 9781869285852
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Maputo declaration on the textiles, clothing and leather industries
- Authors: Worker representatives
- Date: 1999?
- Subjects: Clothing trade , Textile industry , Leather industry and trade , Complaints (Civil procedure)
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76004 , vital:30491
- Description: The massive job losses and factory closures in the clothing, textiles and leather industries in almost all countries in the region. The low wages that continue in our industries, resulting in a low and, in many instances, declining standard of living of workers. The crisis which face unemployed workers who have no income, no social security net, and no immediate prospect of a job. It is a fundamental responsibility of governments in the region to work with trade unions and employers in order to develop appropriate policies to secure a future for the industries and to improve the conditions of workers.
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Anniversary bulletin, 1943-1993: Unity Movement 50th year of struggle-and the struggle continues
- Authors: New Unity Movement
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: New Unity Movement (South Africa) -- Periodicals , Labour -- South Africa -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- Periodicals
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75906 , vital:30481
- Description: The Unity Movement was established in 1943 after long and hard struggles of the disfranchised oppressed people in South Africa against foreign domination by first the Dutch and then the British ruling classes. The Non-European Unity Movement (NEUM) as it was named was the first National liberation movement to base itself upon several most important principles and policies: (i) That there could be only ONE SOLUTION for all the people in South Africa to bring freedom, justice and peace. Thus the UNITY of the oppressed and exploited who were denied all citizenship rights was a vital necessity.(ii) That the ruling class and all its agents among us had done everything possible to prevent the oppressed from uniting in their struggles. They had used the tactics of divide-and-rule as a major weapon against our struggles. The struggle for UNITY was always to be one important answer to these divide-and-rule tactics.(iii) That the ruling class used the myths of "race" and the "inferiority" of persons of colour, language, "culture" and separate schools, housing areas, hospitals, churches, jobs, etc., etc., to divide people. The Unity Movement declared war on racism, tribalism and all forms of discrimination. It strove to educate and organise the oppressed to UNDERSTAND WHY AND HOW WE were oppressed. It also strove to teach the oppressed that only a united people could win the freedom struggle; the ruling class were always united; as a disunited people we could never win our liberation struggle. (iv) That our democratic rights had been known for centuries. But we must know them and demand ALL of them. Democracy could not exist if people had some democratic rights and lacked others. We had to know this because dishonest political activists used the masses to get privileges (concessions) for themselves while they pretended to struggle on behalf of the masses. There was a minimum we must always demand, but we could and must strive for even more. (v) That the oppressed were robbed of their land and their possessions (mainly livestock); their homes were destroyed. They were driven into labour camps and mission stations after these wars of dispossession. They were forced to work as cheap labour in the mines and on the farms and in the factories and homes of the conquerors. Landlessness was a feature of all colonies conquered by the warring colonial powers. Today these colonial powers form the basis of World Imperialism. This World Imperialism is the main enemy of every oppressed nation with a history of colonial conquest. It is imperialism that paid for and bought over the collaborators who have been in government since April 1994. But now that they are part of government the collaborators are paid out of the taxes they collect from workers and others they now help to oppress. (vi) That the struggle for the land by the combined unified efforts of workers, landless peasants and the rural poor was a vital part of our struggles. Victory here would help to root out unemployment, homes broken up by the migrant labour system, by a lack of education and necessary skills, poor health, starvation and lack of simple things like drinking water and proper sewage. Thus the struggle for the land (point 7 of our programme) and all the other 9 demands belonged together as part of ONE struggle. That in our struggle the interest of the workers, the landless peasantry and the millions of rural poor are our first concern. And that the struggle against foreign domination (that is, against World Imperialism) was part of our struggle for total liberation. In the light of these founding principles and policies it is clear that a "government of National Unity" set up by the de Klerk Government and World Imperialism (that is, the USA, Canada, Britain, Japan and the European Community) cannot bring liberation peace and justice to us. , Abantu bebanye abasoze boyiswe! = Abantu bemunye abasoze behlulwe!
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NUMSA:4th National Congress
- Date: July 1993
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/70370 , vital:29649
- Description: National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa held its Fourth National Congress in Johannesburg, from July, 1 - 4,1993. There were 773 delegates present, representing all our 11 regions. Delegates elected new office bearers until the next Congress in three years time.
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