A critical study of Anthony Trollope's South Africa
- Authors: Davidson, J H
- Date: 1970
- Subjects: Trollope, Anthony, 1815-1882 -- Criticism and interpretation , Literature and history -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , South Africa -- In literature
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2602 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1010964 , Trollope, Anthony, 1815-1882 -- Criticism and interpretation , Literature and history -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , South Africa -- In literature
- Description: In the year 1877, during a lull in the Eastern Question, the English newspapers discovered South Africa. There a Dutch republic, the Transvaal, had all but succumbed to the onslaughts of a native chief - or so it seemed; and now it was annexed to the British Crown. Clearly, this was a corner of the world of which, as its colonists boasted, England would hear much more; and Parliament was shortly to set its seal of approval upon Lord Carnarvon’s essay in imperial architecture, South African Confederation. Intro., p. 1.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1970
- Authors: Davidson, J H
- Date: 1970
- Subjects: Trollope, Anthony, 1815-1882 -- Criticism and interpretation , Literature and history -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , South Africa -- In literature
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2602 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1010964 , Trollope, Anthony, 1815-1882 -- Criticism and interpretation , Literature and history -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , South Africa -- In literature
- Description: In the year 1877, during a lull in the Eastern Question, the English newspapers discovered South Africa. There a Dutch republic, the Transvaal, had all but succumbed to the onslaughts of a native chief - or so it seemed; and now it was annexed to the British Crown. Clearly, this was a corner of the world of which, as its colonists boasted, England would hear much more; and Parliament was shortly to set its seal of approval upon Lord Carnarvon’s essay in imperial architecture, South African Confederation. Intro., p. 1.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1970
The reminiscences of Thomas Stubbs, 1820 - 1877
- Authors: McGeoch, Robert Thomas
- Date: 1965
- Subjects: Stubbs family , British settlers of 1820 (South Africa) -- Personal narratives , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2609 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012851
- Description: The "Reminiscences" of Thomas Stubbs are one of several such compositions which have survived from the 1820 Settlers. The manuscript offers one of the fullest and most lively accounts of frontier life, and the experiences of the Settlers as seen through the eyes of Thomas Stubbs. The object of this thesis has been to reconstruct the life of Thomas Stubbs which has proved an arduous yet absorbing task and to comment upon and evaluate some of the views Stubbs expressed when he wrote the "Reminiscences" between 1874 and 1875, as well as to test, where possible, the validity of the opinions and sentiments formed during a half-century's acquaintance with the Eastern frontier of the Cape of Good Hope.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1965
- Authors: McGeoch, Robert Thomas
- Date: 1965
- Subjects: Stubbs family , British settlers of 1820 (South Africa) -- Personal narratives , South Africa -- History -- Frontier Wars, 1811-1878 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2609 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012851
- Description: The "Reminiscences" of Thomas Stubbs are one of several such compositions which have survived from the 1820 Settlers. The manuscript offers one of the fullest and most lively accounts of frontier life, and the experiences of the Settlers as seen through the eyes of Thomas Stubbs. The object of this thesis has been to reconstruct the life of Thomas Stubbs which has proved an arduous yet absorbing task and to comment upon and evaluate some of the views Stubbs expressed when he wrote the "Reminiscences" between 1874 and 1875, as well as to test, where possible, the validity of the opinions and sentiments formed during a half-century's acquaintance with the Eastern frontier of the Cape of Good Hope.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1965
John X. Merriman : the making of a South African statesman (1869-1878)
- Authors: Gruber, R F J
- Date: 1961
- Subjects: Merriman, John Xavier, 1841-1926 , Statesmen -- South Africa -- Biography , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1836-1909
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2623 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015002
- Description: With the possible exception of Hofmeyr and Schreiner, there is no Cape statesman whose career raises more tantalising questions than that of John X. Merr1man. Last Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, doyen of Parliamentarians, brilliant orator, versatile administrator, veteran politician, his public life stretched across fifty-five years of south African History. He entered upon it before the grant of Responsible Government, the discovery of diamonds and gold, and the awakening. of Afrikaner Nationalism; he departed from it on the eve of the Statute of Westminster, the establishment of Iscor and the coming to power of Hertzog and Malan. His contemporaries looked upon him as a man of immense knowledge and olympian ability. In the eyes of many his position as leader of the largest and oldest settled community in South Africa, not to mention his role as heir to the Cape tradition, made him the natural choice as first Prime Minister of the Union he had helped to establish. He was not called to office. Barely seventy, in the full maturity of his years, he withdrew trom active political leadership in the country of his adoption. He is hardly remembered today. This thesis seeks to contribute something to an understanding of the man and an assessment of his qualities by a study of his formative years. It attempts both to reconstruct his personality and analyse the nature of his statesmanship - not only by an examination of the role he played in the years under review, but also by an assessment of the part he failed to play. For this purpose both the structure of Cape politics and the ramifications of the various problems that presented themselves have been explored in greater detail than might otherwise have been the case.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1961
- Authors: Gruber, R F J
- Date: 1961
- Subjects: Merriman, John Xavier, 1841-1926 , Statesmen -- South Africa -- Biography , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1836-1909
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2623 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015002
- Description: With the possible exception of Hofmeyr and Schreiner, there is no Cape statesman whose career raises more tantalising questions than that of John X. Merr1man. Last Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, doyen of Parliamentarians, brilliant orator, versatile administrator, veteran politician, his public life stretched across fifty-five years of south African History. He entered upon it before the grant of Responsible Government, the discovery of diamonds and gold, and the awakening. of Afrikaner Nationalism; he departed from it on the eve of the Statute of Westminster, the establishment of Iscor and the coming to power of Hertzog and Malan. His contemporaries looked upon him as a man of immense knowledge and olympian ability. In the eyes of many his position as leader of the largest and oldest settled community in South Africa, not to mention his role as heir to the Cape tradition, made him the natural choice as first Prime Minister of the Union he had helped to establish. He was not called to office. Barely seventy, in the full maturity of his years, he withdrew trom active political leadership in the country of his adoption. He is hardly remembered today. This thesis seeks to contribute something to an understanding of the man and an assessment of his qualities by a study of his formative years. It attempts both to reconstruct his personality and analyse the nature of his statesmanship - not only by an examination of the role he played in the years under review, but also by an assessment of the part he failed to play. For this purpose both the structure of Cape politics and the ramifications of the various problems that presented themselves have been explored in greater detail than might otherwise have been the case.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1961
The wreck of the Dutch man o' war, Amsterdam, in December 1817 on the Eastern Cape coast of Southern Africa: an elucidation of the literary and material remains with an annotated translation of the Journal of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer (1814-1818)
- Authors: Bennie, Jennifer Shirley
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2533 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002385 , Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Description: This study endeavours to elucidate the journal of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer of the Dutch man 0' war, Amsterdam, which has been transcribed from the original script, translated from Dutch into English and interpreted from a contemporary viewpoint. It offers an opportunity to evaluate a unique primary historical document which records an important historical event. An attempt has been made to contextualise the incident in the light of the early history of the Dutch people. The contribution of the Dutch East India Company (VaC) to the trade and commerce of the Netherlands during the 17th and 18th centuries has been assessed together with the shipbuilding techniques that served to make the Dutch a major seafaring nation. The significance of Texel and Nieuwediep has been examined and the sea route and navigational instruments placed in perspective. The voyage has been analysed in some detail. The background of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer has proved especially interesting. Although he pursued his career with the Dutch Navy, he was born and spent his early years in Cape Town, South Africa. The time spent by the Amsterdam in Batavia, Samaraog and Sourabaya gives an insight into the Dutch possessions overseas. The return voyage, storms and ultimate grounding are of special interest as Hofmeijer records the journey and events on a daily basis. The impact and significance of 217 extra people in the Eastern Cape area did not go unnoticed, and although the event was not well documented, an attempt at some contextualisation has been made. Finally a short overview of maritime archaeology in South Africa and its significance as a relatively new discipline has been included. The study of the material remains of the wreck of the Amsterdam has resulted in a new understanding of wooden ships built in the early 19th century.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
- Authors: Bennie, Jennifer Shirley
- Date: 1998
- Subjects: Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2533 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002385 , Amsterdam (Steamship) , Shipwrecks -- South Africa , Underwater archaeology , Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie , Hofmeijer, Hermanus, 1721-1805--Diaries , Voyages and travels -- History -- 18th century
- Description: This study endeavours to elucidate the journal of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer of the Dutch man 0' war, Amsterdam, which has been transcribed from the original script, translated from Dutch into English and interpreted from a contemporary viewpoint. It offers an opportunity to evaluate a unique primary historical document which records an important historical event. An attempt has been made to contextualise the incident in the light of the early history of the Dutch people. The contribution of the Dutch East India Company (VaC) to the trade and commerce of the Netherlands during the 17th and 18th centuries has been assessed together with the shipbuilding techniques that served to make the Dutch a major seafaring nation. The significance of Texel and Nieuwediep has been examined and the sea route and navigational instruments placed in perspective. The voyage has been analysed in some detail. The background of Captain Hermanus Hofmeijer has proved especially interesting. Although he pursued his career with the Dutch Navy, he was born and spent his early years in Cape Town, South Africa. The time spent by the Amsterdam in Batavia, Samaraog and Sourabaya gives an insight into the Dutch possessions overseas. The return voyage, storms and ultimate grounding are of special interest as Hofmeijer records the journey and events on a daily basis. The impact and significance of 217 extra people in the Eastern Cape area did not go unnoticed, and although the event was not well documented, an attempt at some contextualisation has been made. Finally a short overview of maritime archaeology in South Africa and its significance as a relatively new discipline has been included. The study of the material remains of the wreck of the Amsterdam has resulted in a new understanding of wooden ships built in the early 19th century.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1998
The political ecology of wildlife conservation in Kenya, 1895-1975
- Authors: Matheka, Reuben M
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Wildlife conservation -- Kenya Environmental policy -- Kenya Wildlife conservation -- Political aspects -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2595 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007530
- Description: The study examines the development of wildlife conservation policy and practice in Kenya from 1895 to 1975. Started by the colonial state as part of its resource control programme, wildlife conservation in Kenya gradually became an important aspect of the country's economy chiefly because of its significance as the basis of a vibrant tourist industry. The conservation programme was also important to conservationists who viewed Kenya's wildlife as a heritage to humanity. Similarly, local communities, which were affected in various ways by wildlife conservation policies, had their own perceptions of the programme. All this led to the proliferation of groups whose interests were potentially conflicting. Wildlife conservation in Kenya during the period under examination was thus characterised by various struggles between interest groups such as conservationists, the state, and local communities. The struggles centred around such issues as the costs and benefits of conservation and were manifested through anti-conservation activities like the poaching of wild animals by dissatisfied groups. These struggles changed over time in line with social, economic, political, and ecological developments. International events/processes (such as the two world wars, economic booms/depressions, and decolonisation) triggered local processes which influenced conservationism either positively or negatively. Wildlife conservation in Kenya during the period under study was dynamic. The thesis challenges the myth of a monolithic 'colonial' wildlife policy often implied in many studies on the subject. The thesis also lays emphasis on the ecological basis of wildlife conservation while recognising the impact of social, political, and economic developments on the evolution of wildlife conservation policy and practice in Kenya. The country's 'geography' not only provided the foundation for conservation but also influenced the programme over time. Droughts, floods, army worm infestations, and other 'natural' occurrences interacted with social and economic changes, such as population growth and the development of capitalism, to shape conservation policy. The conservation programme was thus influenced by a complex interaction of a variety of factors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
- Authors: Matheka, Reuben M
- Date: 2002
- Subjects: Wildlife conservation -- Kenya Environmental policy -- Kenya Wildlife conservation -- Political aspects -- Kenya
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2595 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007530
- Description: The study examines the development of wildlife conservation policy and practice in Kenya from 1895 to 1975. Started by the colonial state as part of its resource control programme, wildlife conservation in Kenya gradually became an important aspect of the country's economy chiefly because of its significance as the basis of a vibrant tourist industry. The conservation programme was also important to conservationists who viewed Kenya's wildlife as a heritage to humanity. Similarly, local communities, which were affected in various ways by wildlife conservation policies, had their own perceptions of the programme. All this led to the proliferation of groups whose interests were potentially conflicting. Wildlife conservation in Kenya during the period under examination was thus characterised by various struggles between interest groups such as conservationists, the state, and local communities. The struggles centred around such issues as the costs and benefits of conservation and were manifested through anti-conservation activities like the poaching of wild animals by dissatisfied groups. These struggles changed over time in line with social, economic, political, and ecological developments. International events/processes (such as the two world wars, economic booms/depressions, and decolonisation) triggered local processes which influenced conservationism either positively or negatively. Wildlife conservation in Kenya during the period under study was dynamic. The thesis challenges the myth of a monolithic 'colonial' wildlife policy often implied in many studies on the subject. The thesis also lays emphasis on the ecological basis of wildlife conservation while recognising the impact of social, political, and economic developments on the evolution of wildlife conservation policy and practice in Kenya. The country's 'geography' not only provided the foundation for conservation but also influenced the programme over time. Droughts, floods, army worm infestations, and other 'natural' occurrences interacted with social and economic changes, such as population growth and the development of capitalism, to shape conservation policy. The conservation programme was thus influenced by a complex interaction of a variety of factors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2002
From Frontier to Midlands : a history of the Graaff-Reinet district, 1786-1910
- Authors: Smith, Kenneth Wyndham
- Date: 1975
- Subjects: Graaff-Reinet (South Africa) -- History , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- History , South Africa -- Politics and government -- History , Frontier and pioneer life -- Graaff-Reinet
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2615 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013242
- Description: The study of local history in South Africa is still in its infancy and has not been accorded the same recognition as elsewhere. There is no convenient manual to guide the would-be local historian of the Cape. There are few models that provide an insight into the main problems encountered by the local historian of a Cape community. In such local histories as exist, attention has been focussed predominantly on the foundation and physical growth of towns, the naming of streets, the establishment of schools and hospitals. Many of these accounts were written for publicity purposes or to commemorate the founding of towns. Although there is no history of the Dutch Reformed Church in Graaff-Reinet, the history of local congregations of the Dutch Reformed Church has generally been well covered in the form of Gedenkboeke and other studies. These frequently have a particular relevance as many towns such as Burgersdorp and Colesberg were founded as a result of the initiative of the church. Preface.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1975
- Authors: Smith, Kenneth Wyndham
- Date: 1975
- Subjects: Graaff-Reinet (South Africa) -- History , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- History , South Africa -- Politics and government -- History , Frontier and pioneer life -- Graaff-Reinet
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2615 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013242
- Description: The study of local history in South Africa is still in its infancy and has not been accorded the same recognition as elsewhere. There is no convenient manual to guide the would-be local historian of the Cape. There are few models that provide an insight into the main problems encountered by the local historian of a Cape community. In such local histories as exist, attention has been focussed predominantly on the foundation and physical growth of towns, the naming of streets, the establishment of schools and hospitals. Many of these accounts were written for publicity purposes or to commemorate the founding of towns. Although there is no history of the Dutch Reformed Church in Graaff-Reinet, the history of local congregations of the Dutch Reformed Church has generally been well covered in the form of Gedenkboeke and other studies. These frequently have a particular relevance as many towns such as Burgersdorp and Colesberg were founded as a result of the initiative of the church. Preface.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1975
Causes of persistent rural poverty in Thika district of Kenya, c.1953-2000
- Authors: Kinyanjui, Felistus Kinuna
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Poverty -- Kenya -- History Rural poor -- Kenya -- History Agriculture -- Kenya -- History Kenya -- History Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2547 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002399
- Description: This study investigates the causes of poverty among the residents of Thika District in Kenya over the period 1953-2000. Using the articulation of modes of production perspective, the study traces the dynamics of poverty to the geography, history and politics of Thika District. The thrust of the argument is that livelihoods in the district changed during the period under investigation, but not necessarily for the better. Landlessness, collapse of the coffee industry, intergenerational poverty, and the ravages of diseases (particularly of HIV/AIDS) are analysed. This leads to the conclusion that causes of poverty in Thika District during the period under examination were complex as one form of deprivation led to another. The study established that poverty in Thika District during the period under review was a product of a process of exclusion from the centre of political power and appropriation. While race was the basis for allocation of public resources in colonial Kenya, ethnicity has dominated the independence period. Consequently, one would have expected the residents of Thika District, the home of Kenya’s first president, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, to have benefited inordinately from public resources during his rule. Kenyatta’s administration, however, mainly benefited the Kikuyu elite. The study therefore demonstrates that during the period under examination, the Kikuyu, like any other Kenyan community, were a heterogeneous group whose differences were accentuated by class relations. Subaltern groups in Thika District therefore benefited minimally from state patronage, just like similar groups elsewhere in rural Kenya. By the late 1970s, the level of deprivation in rural Kenya had been contained as a result of favourable prices for the country’s agricultural exports. But in the subsequent period, poverty increased under the pressures of world economic recession and slowdowns in trade. The situation was worse for Kikuyu peasants as the Second Republic of President Daniel Moi deliberately attempted undermine the Kikuyu economically. For the majority of Thika residents, this translated into further marginalisation as the Moi regime lumped them together with the Kikuyu elite who had benefitted inordinately from public resources during the Kenyatta era. This study demonstrates that no single factor can explain the prevalence of poverty in Thika District during the period under consideration. However, the poor in the district devised survival mechanisms that could be replicated elsewhere. Indeed, the dynamics of poverty in Thika District represent a microcosm not just for the broader Kenyan situation but also of rural livelihoods elsewhere in the world. The study recommends land reform and horticulture as possible ways of reducing poverty among rural communities. Further, for a successful global war on poverty there is an urgent need to have the West go beyond rhetoric and deliver on its promises to make poverty history.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Kinyanjui, Felistus Kinuna
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Poverty -- Kenya -- History Rural poor -- Kenya -- History Agriculture -- Kenya -- History Kenya -- History Kenya -- Politics and government
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2547 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002399
- Description: This study investigates the causes of poverty among the residents of Thika District in Kenya over the period 1953-2000. Using the articulation of modes of production perspective, the study traces the dynamics of poverty to the geography, history and politics of Thika District. The thrust of the argument is that livelihoods in the district changed during the period under investigation, but not necessarily for the better. Landlessness, collapse of the coffee industry, intergenerational poverty, and the ravages of diseases (particularly of HIV/AIDS) are analysed. This leads to the conclusion that causes of poverty in Thika District during the period under examination were complex as one form of deprivation led to another. The study established that poverty in Thika District during the period under review was a product of a process of exclusion from the centre of political power and appropriation. While race was the basis for allocation of public resources in colonial Kenya, ethnicity has dominated the independence period. Consequently, one would have expected the residents of Thika District, the home of Kenya’s first president, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, to have benefited inordinately from public resources during his rule. Kenyatta’s administration, however, mainly benefited the Kikuyu elite. The study therefore demonstrates that during the period under examination, the Kikuyu, like any other Kenyan community, were a heterogeneous group whose differences were accentuated by class relations. Subaltern groups in Thika District therefore benefited minimally from state patronage, just like similar groups elsewhere in rural Kenya. By the late 1970s, the level of deprivation in rural Kenya had been contained as a result of favourable prices for the country’s agricultural exports. But in the subsequent period, poverty increased under the pressures of world economic recession and slowdowns in trade. The situation was worse for Kikuyu peasants as the Second Republic of President Daniel Moi deliberately attempted undermine the Kikuyu economically. For the majority of Thika residents, this translated into further marginalisation as the Moi regime lumped them together with the Kikuyu elite who had benefitted inordinately from public resources during the Kenyatta era. This study demonstrates that no single factor can explain the prevalence of poverty in Thika District during the period under consideration. However, the poor in the district devised survival mechanisms that could be replicated elsewhere. Indeed, the dynamics of poverty in Thika District represent a microcosm not just for the broader Kenyan situation but also of rural livelihoods elsewhere in the world. The study recommends land reform and horticulture as possible ways of reducing poverty among rural communities. Further, for a successful global war on poverty there is an urgent need to have the West go beyond rhetoric and deliver on its promises to make poverty history.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
The development and failure of the Eastern Cape separatist movement with special reference to John Paterson
- Authors: Stead, J L
- Date: 1974
- Subjects: Paterson, John, 1822-1880 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- Autonomy and independence movements , Stormberg Range Region (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2593 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007343
- Description: From Preface: In 1960 Pamela Ffolliott and E.L.H. Croft wrote a biograpby of John Paterson entitled One Titan at a Time. This concentrated mainly on his business activities and his civic role to the virtual exclusion of his political opinions and career even though contemporaries often regarded him as second only to John X. Merriman. The result of diligent enquiry for further biographical detail both in South Africa and in the United Kingdom has been disappointing. A close examination of such evidence as there is, suggests that his political abilities have been over-rated rather than under-rated. It is now nearly forty years since the study of separatism was first seriously undertaken. The period 1854-72 was studied by N.H. Taylor (M.A. Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1938) and D.B. Sole undertook a broader survey (M.A. Thesis, University of South Africa (R.U.C.), 1939). Neither study used the Godlonton papers. The Godlonton-White correspondence is at Rhodes House, Oxford and this mainly concerns business matters and news of prominent local people. The collection of Godlonton papers housed in the Historical Papers section of the Library of the University of the Witwatersrand proved more interesting. The use of these papers made it possible to make a new approach to the critical period of representative government and to explore in more detail lines suggested in part by J .L. McCracken in the more general study, The Cape Parliament 1854-1910 published in 1967. Yet because in many cases the leaders of the movement after 1854 carried into the new era ideas and attitudes formed in earlier years, it was necessary to consider also the origins of the separatist impulse. Separatism had many roots: as a term it had many meanings. Clearly the meaning attached to the word varied from time to time, from place to place and even from person to person. The goal varied too. Sometimes the Eastern Province wanted to move the centre of government from Cape Town; sometimes the cry was for a completely separate colony to be established in the East; sometimes the theme was federal devolution of powers, to a resident government. Indeed among the many reasons for the failure of the separatist movement was the inability of the Easterners to agree among themselves about what they were seeking. This exposed and emphasised their political ineptitude.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1974
- Authors: Stead, J L
- Date: 1974
- Subjects: Paterson, John, 1822-1880 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- Autonomy and independence movements , Stormberg Range Region (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2593 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007343
- Description: From Preface: In 1960 Pamela Ffolliott and E.L.H. Croft wrote a biograpby of John Paterson entitled One Titan at a Time. This concentrated mainly on his business activities and his civic role to the virtual exclusion of his political opinions and career even though contemporaries often regarded him as second only to John X. Merriman. The result of diligent enquiry for further biographical detail both in South Africa and in the United Kingdom has been disappointing. A close examination of such evidence as there is, suggests that his political abilities have been over-rated rather than under-rated. It is now nearly forty years since the study of separatism was first seriously undertaken. The period 1854-72 was studied by N.H. Taylor (M.A. Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1938) and D.B. Sole undertook a broader survey (M.A. Thesis, University of South Africa (R.U.C.), 1939). Neither study used the Godlonton papers. The Godlonton-White correspondence is at Rhodes House, Oxford and this mainly concerns business matters and news of prominent local people. The collection of Godlonton papers housed in the Historical Papers section of the Library of the University of the Witwatersrand proved more interesting. The use of these papers made it possible to make a new approach to the critical period of representative government and to explore in more detail lines suggested in part by J .L. McCracken in the more general study, The Cape Parliament 1854-1910 published in 1967. Yet because in many cases the leaders of the movement after 1854 carried into the new era ideas and attitudes formed in earlier years, it was necessary to consider also the origins of the separatist impulse. Separatism had many roots: as a term it had many meanings. Clearly the meaning attached to the word varied from time to time, from place to place and even from person to person. The goal varied too. Sometimes the Eastern Province wanted to move the centre of government from Cape Town; sometimes the cry was for a completely separate colony to be established in the East; sometimes the theme was federal devolution of powers, to a resident government. Indeed among the many reasons for the failure of the separatist movement was the inability of the Easterners to agree among themselves about what they were seeking. This exposed and emphasised their political ineptitude.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1974
The governorship of Sir Galbraith Lowry Cole
- Authors: Scheepers, Unus
- Date: 1940
- Subjects: Cole, Galbraith Lowry, Sir, 1772-1842 , Colonial administrators -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) History -- 1814-1835 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Race relations , Slaves -- Emancipation -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Xhosa (African people) -- History -- 19th century , Xhosa (African people) -- Colonization -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History -- 19th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2600 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007899 , Cole, Galbraith Lowry, Sir, 1772-1842 , Colonial administrators -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) History -- 1814-1835 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Race relations , Slaves -- Emancipation -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Xhosa (African people) -- History -- 19th century , Xhosa (African people) -- Colonization -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History -- 19th century
- Description: From Conclusion: There were no great upheavals during Cole's governership, but his rule has been a very interesting study. The old order of things was coming to a close. The way was prepared under Cole for freeing of the slaves; and the old despotic rule became a thing of the past. The British Settlers agitated for and obtained a free press; thus the foundation was laid for democratic institutions. He was the first governor to lay emphasis on the necessity of municipal councils not only as a way of decreasing expenditure, but also as a school for representative government. The Boers were becoming race conscious and the present orientation of the political parties had their origin in this period, though subsequent events have made the political struggle embittered. Above all the stage was being set for the Great Trek and the opening up of the whole of the present Union of South Africa and Rhodesia ... Last but not least the native question was entering upon its modern phase. Chiefs were losing their power, they admitted that they could not control their subjects, and natives were entering the service of Europeans; not only to steal with greater impunity but also to be able to enjoy the security offered by a well organised and disciplined society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1940
- Authors: Scheepers, Unus
- Date: 1940
- Subjects: Cole, Galbraith Lowry, Sir, 1772-1842 , Colonial administrators -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) History -- 1814-1835 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Race relations , Slaves -- Emancipation -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Xhosa (African people) -- History -- 19th century , Xhosa (African people) -- Colonization -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History -- 19th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2600 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007899 , Cole, Galbraith Lowry, Sir, 1772-1842 , Colonial administrators -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) History -- 1814-1835 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Race relations , Slaves -- Emancipation -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Xhosa (African people) -- History -- 19th century , Xhosa (African people) -- Colonization -- South Africa -- Cape of Good Hope , Khoikhoi (African people) -- History -- 19th century
- Description: From Conclusion: There were no great upheavals during Cole's governership, but his rule has been a very interesting study. The old order of things was coming to a close. The way was prepared under Cole for freeing of the slaves; and the old despotic rule became a thing of the past. The British Settlers agitated for and obtained a free press; thus the foundation was laid for democratic institutions. He was the first governor to lay emphasis on the necessity of municipal councils not only as a way of decreasing expenditure, but also as a school for representative government. The Boers were becoming race conscious and the present orientation of the political parties had their origin in this period, though subsequent events have made the political struggle embittered. Above all the stage was being set for the Great Trek and the opening up of the whole of the present Union of South Africa and Rhodesia ... Last but not least the native question was entering upon its modern phase. Chiefs were losing their power, they admitted that they could not control their subjects, and natives were entering the service of Europeans; not only to steal with greater impunity but also to be able to enjoy the security offered by a well organised and disciplined society.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1940
The English East India Company and the British Crown: c. 1795-1803, the first occupation at the Cape of Good Hope
- Authors: Jordan, Calvin
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: East India Company , East India Company -- Influence , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1795-1872 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , British -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century , Merchant marine -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63164 , vital:28369
- Description: My thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the English East India Company (EEIC) and the British colonial administration at the Cape of Good Hope during the first British occupation (1795 to 1803). Studies and literature that concern the EEIC have rarely gone beyond the surface, detailing the presence of the EEIC at the Cape, and neglecting the Company’s involvement in the administration thereof. My thesis draws on prior works but attempts to address both temporal and spatial gaps in this literature on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, and the history of the EEIC. This study takes note of the seaborne related activity around the ports, bays and islands at the Cape – including the regulation of these spaces and issues related to securing British trade and colonial possessions more generally. I question the framing of the Cape primarily as a constituent of a national unit by locating the colony within a broader global and maritime context. A key interest is to determine the degree to which the EEIC influenced and participated in the British governance of the Cape, particularly by exploring the maritime dimensions of the relationship between the EEIC and colonial governance during this particular period. This involves understanding the embeddedness of the Cape in British (Crown and Company) networks and the constitution of a ‘British maritime zone’. This study uses archival sources drawn from the British colonial government records, Company records, and the private diaries and letters of Lady Anne Barnard that relate to the Cape. It is shown that a uniquely configured governance convention was constituted to secure the mutual commercial and imperial interests of both Crown and Company. By keeping the Cape secure, the British sought to keep their greater seaborne Empire secure. This study reveals that the EEIC was significantly involved in and influenced the way the British administration governed the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Jordan, Calvin
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: East India Company , East India Company -- Influence , Cape of Good Hope (Colony) , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- History -- 1795-1872 , Cape of Good Hope (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 1795-1872 , British -- South Africa -- History -- 19th century , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce , Great Britain -- Colonies -- Administration -- History -- 19th century , Merchant marine -- Great Britain -- History
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63164 , vital:28369
- Description: My thesis aims to investigate the relationship between the English East India Company (EEIC) and the British colonial administration at the Cape of Good Hope during the first British occupation (1795 to 1803). Studies and literature that concern the EEIC have rarely gone beyond the surface, detailing the presence of the EEIC at the Cape, and neglecting the Company’s involvement in the administration thereof. My thesis draws on prior works but attempts to address both temporal and spatial gaps in this literature on the Atlantic and Indian Ocean, and the history of the EEIC. This study takes note of the seaborne related activity around the ports, bays and islands at the Cape – including the regulation of these spaces and issues related to securing British trade and colonial possessions more generally. I question the framing of the Cape primarily as a constituent of a national unit by locating the colony within a broader global and maritime context. A key interest is to determine the degree to which the EEIC influenced and participated in the British governance of the Cape, particularly by exploring the maritime dimensions of the relationship between the EEIC and colonial governance during this particular period. This involves understanding the embeddedness of the Cape in British (Crown and Company) networks and the constitution of a ‘British maritime zone’. This study uses archival sources drawn from the British colonial government records, Company records, and the private diaries and letters of Lady Anne Barnard that relate to the Cape. It is shown that a uniquely configured governance convention was constituted to secure the mutual commercial and imperial interests of both Crown and Company. By keeping the Cape secure, the British sought to keep their greater seaborne Empire secure. This study reveals that the EEIC was significantly involved in and influenced the way the British administration governed the Cape.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Philip Gibbs: war correspondent of a new dispensation
- Authors: Woodward, Christina Anna
- Date: 1985
- Subjects: Gibbs, Philip, 1877-1962 , War correspondents , War -- Press coverage , Mass media and war , Journalists
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2577 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003126 , Gibbs, Philip, 1877-1962 , War correspondents , War -- Press coverage , Mass media and war , Journalists
- Description: The process of democratization which appeared in the nineteenth century was partly responsible for the emergence of a mass readership. It consisted of the new urban population which had its own tastes and interests, intellectual capacity and purchasing power. The popular press was firmly established by 1900 and it radically altered the scope and style of daily journalism in its attempt to speak in the language of the majority. Philip Gibbs was one of the prominent journalists between 1900 and 1914. His aspiration to become a war correspondent stemmed from the image of the war correspondent as a figure of romance and adventure, the consequence of the militarist spirit of the age and the licence which granted him freedom of movement. Inevitably, the war correspondent carne in conflict with the military which had not kept pace with democratization and sensed a challenge to itself and to national security. Censorship and restrictions on the war correspondent tightened, until major army reforms between 1901 and 1912 brought more cordial relations between the press and the military. When the Great War broke out in 1914 the co-operative atmosphere broke down as censorship was reinstated, more severely than before. It challenged the freedom of the press and the right of the people to know. Gibbs was determined that the people should have access to news from the front. He fought hard for that objective and was instrumental in the compromise reached between the military and the press when an officially recognized system was devised for press representation on the Western Front. The wisdom of such a move was shown by the success of Philip Gibbs' war correspondence, which had appeal to a mass readership in its own language and with subjects of interest to it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985
- Authors: Woodward, Christina Anna
- Date: 1985
- Subjects: Gibbs, Philip, 1877-1962 , War correspondents , War -- Press coverage , Mass media and war , Journalists
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2577 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003126 , Gibbs, Philip, 1877-1962 , War correspondents , War -- Press coverage , Mass media and war , Journalists
- Description: The process of democratization which appeared in the nineteenth century was partly responsible for the emergence of a mass readership. It consisted of the new urban population which had its own tastes and interests, intellectual capacity and purchasing power. The popular press was firmly established by 1900 and it radically altered the scope and style of daily journalism in its attempt to speak in the language of the majority. Philip Gibbs was one of the prominent journalists between 1900 and 1914. His aspiration to become a war correspondent stemmed from the image of the war correspondent as a figure of romance and adventure, the consequence of the militarist spirit of the age and the licence which granted him freedom of movement. Inevitably, the war correspondent carne in conflict with the military which had not kept pace with democratization and sensed a challenge to itself and to national security. Censorship and restrictions on the war correspondent tightened, until major army reforms between 1901 and 1912 brought more cordial relations between the press and the military. When the Great War broke out in 1914 the co-operative atmosphere broke down as censorship was reinstated, more severely than before. It challenged the freedom of the press and the right of the people to know. Gibbs was determined that the people should have access to news from the front. He fought hard for that objective and was instrumental in the compromise reached between the military and the press when an officially recognized system was devised for press representation on the Western Front. The wisdom of such a move was shown by the success of Philip Gibbs' war correspondence, which had appeal to a mass readership in its own language and with subjects of interest to it.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1985
The rule of Brigadier Oupa Gqozo in Ciskei: 4 March 1990 to 22 March 1994
- Authors: White, Colin Stewart
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Gqozo, Oupa , Sebe, L L W (Lennox L W) , Massacres -- Bisho (South Africa) , Ciskei (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century , Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2616 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360
- Description: Although the history of the Eastern Cape has been recorded from the eighteenth century, virtually nothing has been written about the political entity known as the independent Republic of Ciskei (1981 – 1994). This hiatus in our history, coupled with the fact that many of the official records of that period have been destroyed, make it imperative that the role-players of the period be contacted and their evidence be recorded before it is lost to prosperity. This need has motivated the writing of the thesis. The thesis commences with a brief description of the early history and constitutional development of Ciskei. It then has a substantial chapter on Lennox Sebe, the ruler of Ciskei from 1973 to 1990, who is described as the catalyst of Gqozo’s coup d’état. This is followed by a short personal biography of Oupa Gqozo, and his rise to the position of Brigadier in the Ciskei army. On 4 March 1990 Gqozo led the coup by the Ciskei Defence Force that dethroned Sebe. At the outset he ruled in an exemplary manner, but after being misled by South African agents he turned against the African National Congress and his own people. When he established his own party, the African Democratic Movement, and re-instated the hated headman system, civil war followed in Ciskei. Separate chapters in the thesis relate the various traumatic events that occurred during Gqozo’s reign: the killing of Anton Guzana and Charles Sebe; the dismissal of the senior officers of the CDF; the strife during 1991/2; the Bhisho Massacre; its aftermath; the mutiny by the security forces and Gqozo’s resignation on 22 March 1994. The thesis concludes that although Brigadier Gqozo respected the rule of law, and was free of corruption, he was devoid of the necessary academic qualifications, experience and ability, including the necessary insight and foresight, to rule a country. He became paranoid about his own safety and the possible overthrow of his government, and he was too easily swayed by others. In short, Gqozo was inept, rather than evil.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: White, Colin Stewart
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Gqozo, Oupa , Sebe, L L W (Lennox L W) , Massacres -- Bisho (South Africa) , Ciskei (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century , Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2616 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013360
- Description: Although the history of the Eastern Cape has been recorded from the eighteenth century, virtually nothing has been written about the political entity known as the independent Republic of Ciskei (1981 – 1994). This hiatus in our history, coupled with the fact that many of the official records of that period have been destroyed, make it imperative that the role-players of the period be contacted and their evidence be recorded before it is lost to prosperity. This need has motivated the writing of the thesis. The thesis commences with a brief description of the early history and constitutional development of Ciskei. It then has a substantial chapter on Lennox Sebe, the ruler of Ciskei from 1973 to 1990, who is described as the catalyst of Gqozo’s coup d’état. This is followed by a short personal biography of Oupa Gqozo, and his rise to the position of Brigadier in the Ciskei army. On 4 March 1990 Gqozo led the coup by the Ciskei Defence Force that dethroned Sebe. At the outset he ruled in an exemplary manner, but after being misled by South African agents he turned against the African National Congress and his own people. When he established his own party, the African Democratic Movement, and re-instated the hated headman system, civil war followed in Ciskei. Separate chapters in the thesis relate the various traumatic events that occurred during Gqozo’s reign: the killing of Anton Guzana and Charles Sebe; the dismissal of the senior officers of the CDF; the strife during 1991/2; the Bhisho Massacre; its aftermath; the mutiny by the security forces and Gqozo’s resignation on 22 March 1994. The thesis concludes that although Brigadier Gqozo respected the rule of law, and was free of corruption, he was devoid of the necessary academic qualifications, experience and ability, including the necessary insight and foresight, to rule a country. He became paranoid about his own safety and the possible overthrow of his government, and he was too easily swayed by others. In short, Gqozo was inept, rather than evil.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
A critical edition of the Memoirs of Amelia de Henningsen (Notre Mère)
- Authors: Young, Margaret
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2575 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003067 , Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Description: The chief purpose in editing the Memoirs of Amelia de Henningsen (Notre Mère) is to place on record the role played by this remarkable woman in laying the foundations of Catholic Education in southern Africa and in the building up of the Catholic Church in the Eastern Vicariate of the Cape of Good Hope and beyond. Emphasis has been placed on her achievements in these fields of labour.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
- Authors: Young, Margaret
- Date: 1984
- Subjects: Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2575 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003067 , Henningsen family , Henningsen family -- History , Autobiography
- Description: The chief purpose in editing the Memoirs of Amelia de Henningsen (Notre Mère) is to place on record the role played by this remarkable woman in laying the foundations of Catholic Education in southern Africa and in the building up of the Catholic Church in the Eastern Vicariate of the Cape of Good Hope and beyond. Emphasis has been placed on her achievements in these fields of labour.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1984
Bones of contention : contestations over human remains in the Eastern Cape
- Authors: Mkhize, Nomalanga
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Dead -- Political aspects -- South Africa Human body -- Symbolic aspects Human remains (Archaeology) -- Repatriation Human remains (Archaeology) -- Repatriation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Xhosa (African people) -- Social life and customs Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Social life and customs Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2597 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007665
- Description: This thesis examines three contestations involving human remains which have arisen in the Eastern Cape over the past fifteen years. It shows that the value or meaning attached to human remains is constructed through the socio-historical dynamics out of which these contestations arise. The meaning and value of human remains is neither inherent nor neutral. In Ndancama's case, the need for housing in Fingo Village led hundreds of poor residents to settle on the township's Old Cemetery in 1972. Basic material needs trumped concerns for those buried in the cemetery. When the post-apartheid municipality sought to provide sewerage and housing infrastructure for Ndancama in 2003, its development plans were constrained by new heritage legislation which protects historic cemeteries. Residents insisted that their infrastructural needs were of primary importance. In 1993, the unearthing of human remains at the Old Military Cemetery in King William's Town created a thirteen year long saga which was only resolved with the reburial of the remains in 2006. The presence of the remains proved problematic for a number of reasons. Local authorities failed to rebury the remains speedily. The burden to store them fell on the Kaffrarian Museum which came under fire because this was considered unethical in the postapartheid era. The identity of the remains became a bone of contention in 2006 when the new Amathole District Municipality concluded that the remains were those of victims who died in the 1856-57 Great Cattle Killing. The remains and their reburial became symbols of past injustice and present restoration of African heritage. The 1996 quest by 'Nicholas Gcaleka', a 'self-styled' chief and traditional healer, to search for King Hintsa's skull in the United Kingdom provoked unprecedented public engagement with the incomplete narrative on the fate of Hintsa's body. The power to represent history, and the methods through which historical truth is discovered were at the heart of the contestation. Elites such as the Xhosa Royal and the white scientific establishment were considered neither credible nor authoritative on this historical matter. Public support for Gcaleka revealed that many South Africans sought just recompense for colonial injustices.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Mkhize, Nomalanga
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Dead -- Political aspects -- South Africa Human body -- Symbolic aspects Human remains (Archaeology) -- Repatriation Human remains (Archaeology) -- Repatriation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Xhosa (African people) -- Social life and customs Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- Social life and customs Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2597 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007665
- Description: This thesis examines three contestations involving human remains which have arisen in the Eastern Cape over the past fifteen years. It shows that the value or meaning attached to human remains is constructed through the socio-historical dynamics out of which these contestations arise. The meaning and value of human remains is neither inherent nor neutral. In Ndancama's case, the need for housing in Fingo Village led hundreds of poor residents to settle on the township's Old Cemetery in 1972. Basic material needs trumped concerns for those buried in the cemetery. When the post-apartheid municipality sought to provide sewerage and housing infrastructure for Ndancama in 2003, its development plans were constrained by new heritage legislation which protects historic cemeteries. Residents insisted that their infrastructural needs were of primary importance. In 1993, the unearthing of human remains at the Old Military Cemetery in King William's Town created a thirteen year long saga which was only resolved with the reburial of the remains in 2006. The presence of the remains proved problematic for a number of reasons. Local authorities failed to rebury the remains speedily. The burden to store them fell on the Kaffrarian Museum which came under fire because this was considered unethical in the postapartheid era. The identity of the remains became a bone of contention in 2006 when the new Amathole District Municipality concluded that the remains were those of victims who died in the 1856-57 Great Cattle Killing. The remains and their reburial became symbols of past injustice and present restoration of African heritage. The 1996 quest by 'Nicholas Gcaleka', a 'self-styled' chief and traditional healer, to search for King Hintsa's skull in the United Kingdom provoked unprecedented public engagement with the incomplete narrative on the fate of Hintsa's body. The power to represent history, and the methods through which historical truth is discovered were at the heart of the contestation. Elites such as the Xhosa Royal and the white scientific establishment were considered neither credible nor authoritative on this historical matter. Public support for Gcaleka revealed that many South Africans sought just recompense for colonial injustices.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
A study in local history: Grahamstown, 1883-1904
- Authors: Sellick, Rose-Mary
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2556 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002409 , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Description: [From the Preface]: A Study in Local History: Grahamstown 1883-1904 aims to draw into a coherent picture the threads of political attitudes, approaches to racial issues and changes confronting the late Victorians in Grahamstown, particularly in the areas of sanitation, public health and shifting commercial frontiers. The relation of local development to national affairs has been investigated, although attempts to define exactly how the former influenced the latter, and vice versa, would involve one in the proverbial chicken-and-egg syndrome. Let it suffice to say that an understanding of events in the microcosm, or locality, lends clarity to the cross-current of affairs at the national level. It begins at the point where Grahamstown's commercial importance in the Eastern Cape declines after a flourish of hopes in the prospects of the Port Alfred harbour as a means of bringing trade back to Grahamstown. The study concludes when the foundation of Rhodes University College in 1904, provides a new centre of development for the city.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
- Authors: Sellick, Rose-Mary
- Date: 1983
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2556 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002409 , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History
- Description: [From the Preface]: A Study in Local History: Grahamstown 1883-1904 aims to draw into a coherent picture the threads of political attitudes, approaches to racial issues and changes confronting the late Victorians in Grahamstown, particularly in the areas of sanitation, public health and shifting commercial frontiers. The relation of local development to national affairs has been investigated, although attempts to define exactly how the former influenced the latter, and vice versa, would involve one in the proverbial chicken-and-egg syndrome. Let it suffice to say that an understanding of events in the microcosm, or locality, lends clarity to the cross-current of affairs at the national level. It begins at the point where Grahamstown's commercial importance in the Eastern Cape declines after a flourish of hopes in the prospects of the Port Alfred harbour as a means of bringing trade back to Grahamstown. The study concludes when the foundation of Rhodes University College in 1904, provides a new centre of development for the city.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1983
A history of Grahamstown, 1918-1945
- Torlesse, Ann Catherine Marjorie
- Authors: Torlesse, Ann Catherine Marjorie
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2565 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002418 , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions
- Description: This study in local history describes socio-economic developments in Grahamstown between 1918 - 1945, and analyses the extent to which these developments mirrored trends in the macrocosm. During these years the city failed to become ndustrialised, but enhanced her reputation as an eminent educational centre. Despite being financially handicapped, the City Council undertook large public works schemes for the provision of essential services, such as electricity and an adequate supply of water. In addition a water-borne sewerage scheme was introduced, and roads were repaired and tarred. The influx of a large number of poor rural Blacks into the urban area placed a considerable strain on the city's health services, and housing projects had to be implemented. Local political affiliations and race relations are examined against the background of national developments, especially the growing entrenchment by the State of the policy of segregation. Attention is also devoted to the impact upon the community of international political crises. The cultural and sporting pursuits, as well as the entertainments enjoyed by Grahamstonians, are investigated; and a picture of the local "mentalite" is presented.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
- Authors: Torlesse, Ann Catherine Marjorie
- Date: 1993
- Subjects: Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2565 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002418 , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- History , Grahamstown (South Africa) -- Economic conditions
- Description: This study in local history describes socio-economic developments in Grahamstown between 1918 - 1945, and analyses the extent to which these developments mirrored trends in the macrocosm. During these years the city failed to become ndustrialised, but enhanced her reputation as an eminent educational centre. Despite being financially handicapped, the City Council undertook large public works schemes for the provision of essential services, such as electricity and an adequate supply of water. In addition a water-borne sewerage scheme was introduced, and roads were repaired and tarred. The influx of a large number of poor rural Blacks into the urban area placed a considerable strain on the city's health services, and housing projects had to be implemented. Local political affiliations and race relations are examined against the background of national developments, especially the growing entrenchment by the State of the policy of segregation. Attention is also devoted to the impact upon the community of international political crises. The cultural and sporting pursuits, as well as the entertainments enjoyed by Grahamstonians, are investigated; and a picture of the local "mentalite" is presented.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993
Segregated housing and contested identities: the case of the King William's Town coloured community, 1895 - 1946
- Authors: Victor, Stephanie Emilia
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Colored people (South Africa) -- Race identity Colored people (South Africa) -- Political activity South Africa -- Race relations Colored people (South Africa) -- Housing Housing -- South Africa -- King William's Town Colored people (South Africa) -- Relocation Colored people (South Africa) -- South Africa -- King William's Town
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2568 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002421
- Description: This thesis is a case study of the dynamics of coloured housing in King William's Town between 1895 and 1946. The impact of spatial segregation on pre-apartheid coloured settlements in the Eastern Cape has largely been ignored up to the present. This needs to be rectified as the lack of in-depth enquiry can lead to misinterpretations that may influence contemporary politics and identity formation. Through research based on primary sources, it has become apparent that segregation in King William's Town was safeguarded and rationalized through the discourses of sanitation and civilization, and the practices of relocation and removal. The existing slum cond itions were used as a convenient excuse to implement municipal control. Segregation compounded the problem of poverty, inequitable access to housing and the provision of basic services. As a result, local coloured housing was increasingly characterised by a shortage of decent accommodation and basic services, decreasing home ownership and increasing municipal tenancy. In addition, through the implementation of the 1923 Natives (Urban Areas) Act and the 1934 Slums Act, high sanitation standards were set, but the Council itself provided inferior services. Ironically, conditions in the relocated municipal settlements were also not on par with the provisions stipulated in the Slums Act that were used to effect removal in the first place. The implementation of racially exclusive housing was, therefore, not driven by a single role player. It was pioneered by the local authorities, legalised by national government and supported by the coloured elite, when needed, in an attempt to access decent housing. This occurred mainly through the political manoeuvring of the coloured elite, and specifically the African Political (later People's) Organisation (APO), the Afrikaanse Nasionale Bond (AN B) and the locally constituted Coloured Welfare Association (CWA) in King William 's Town. These organisations attempted to procure access to housing within the narrow boundaries of a prescribed identity. Segregated housing therefore fostered and sustained coloured identity. It consolidated feelings of separateness and division and provided impetus for the construction of race and even racial tension. Coloured identity attempted to serve as a rallying point to overcome differences in religion, family and social networks and place of residence in order to procure access to housing. It was not, however, able to overcome the occasional division between settlements, caused by well-developed placeidentities, which still inform the contemporary housing milieu. The coloured elite initially did not question the legitimacy of coloured identity. Only in 1939, under threats of increased residential segregation, combined with the resulting opposition in coloured protest politics, was the legitimacy of coloured identity publicly contested . By 1943, with the creation of the Coloured Advisory Council (CAC), local coloured unity proved to be insufficient. A division within the ranks of the local coloured elite was evident. As a result, the expression of coloured identity still remains contested in contemporary King William's Town.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Victor, Stephanie Emilia
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Colored people (South Africa) -- Race identity Colored people (South Africa) -- Political activity South Africa -- Race relations Colored people (South Africa) -- Housing Housing -- South Africa -- King William's Town Colored people (South Africa) -- Relocation Colored people (South Africa) -- South Africa -- King William's Town
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2568 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002421
- Description: This thesis is a case study of the dynamics of coloured housing in King William's Town between 1895 and 1946. The impact of spatial segregation on pre-apartheid coloured settlements in the Eastern Cape has largely been ignored up to the present. This needs to be rectified as the lack of in-depth enquiry can lead to misinterpretations that may influence contemporary politics and identity formation. Through research based on primary sources, it has become apparent that segregation in King William's Town was safeguarded and rationalized through the discourses of sanitation and civilization, and the practices of relocation and removal. The existing slum cond itions were used as a convenient excuse to implement municipal control. Segregation compounded the problem of poverty, inequitable access to housing and the provision of basic services. As a result, local coloured housing was increasingly characterised by a shortage of decent accommodation and basic services, decreasing home ownership and increasing municipal tenancy. In addition, through the implementation of the 1923 Natives (Urban Areas) Act and the 1934 Slums Act, high sanitation standards were set, but the Council itself provided inferior services. Ironically, conditions in the relocated municipal settlements were also not on par with the provisions stipulated in the Slums Act that were used to effect removal in the first place. The implementation of racially exclusive housing was, therefore, not driven by a single role player. It was pioneered by the local authorities, legalised by national government and supported by the coloured elite, when needed, in an attempt to access decent housing. This occurred mainly through the political manoeuvring of the coloured elite, and specifically the African Political (later People's) Organisation (APO), the Afrikaanse Nasionale Bond (AN B) and the locally constituted Coloured Welfare Association (CWA) in King William 's Town. These organisations attempted to procure access to housing within the narrow boundaries of a prescribed identity. Segregated housing therefore fostered and sustained coloured identity. It consolidated feelings of separateness and division and provided impetus for the construction of race and even racial tension. Coloured identity attempted to serve as a rallying point to overcome differences in religion, family and social networks and place of residence in order to procure access to housing. It was not, however, able to overcome the occasional division between settlements, caused by well-developed placeidentities, which still inform the contemporary housing milieu. The coloured elite initially did not question the legitimacy of coloured identity. Only in 1939, under threats of increased residential segregation, combined with the resulting opposition in coloured protest politics, was the legitimacy of coloured identity publicly contested . By 1943, with the creation of the Coloured Advisory Council (CAC), local coloured unity proved to be insufficient. A division within the ranks of the local coloured elite was evident. As a result, the expression of coloured identity still remains contested in contemporary King William's Town.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Die Ndzundza-Ndebele en die blankes in Transvaal, 1845-1883
- Van Jaarsveld, Floris Albertus, 1922-1995
- Authors: Van Jaarsveld, Floris Albertus, 1922-1995
- Date: 1986
- Subjects: Ndebele (African people) -- History , Transvaal (South Africa) -- History
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2578 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004379 , Ndebele (African people) -- History , Transvaal (South Africa) -- History
- Description: In 1969 het Leonard Thompson met reg beweer dat Suid-Afrikaanse historici hulle tot op hede hoofsaaklik besig gehou het met die doen en late van 'n Blanke gemeenskap wat die land sedert 1652 oorheers het. Die Swartman was die "forgotten factor" in die geskiedenis van Suider-Afrika. Waar die Swartman die onderwerp van wetenskaplike studie was, is dit aan argeoloë, linguiste, etnoloë en fisiese en sosiale antropoloë oorgelaat. Tereg het Thompson kort hierna opgemerk: "We need to know much more about the complex process by which African chiefdoms became incorporated in white controlled politics in the late nineteenth century. Only when monographs have been written on several individual cases, shall we be in a position to reach definite conclusions about the process as a whole ". Sedert hierdie uitspraak van Thompson het verskeie historici hulle op die terrein van die "forgotten factor" begewe. Omvangryke publikasies oor onder andere die Zulu, Pedi, Sotho asook die Swazi's het sedertdien die lig gesien, terwyl 'n werk oor die Tswana van Wes-Transvaal pas verskyn het. Hierteenoor het heelwat van die kleiner en minder invloedryke swart groeperinge tot op hede steeds agterweë gebly. Wat Noordoos Transvaal betref - meer spesifiek die gebied tussen die Elandsrivier, die Lebomboberg en die Krokodilrivier wat die Ohrigstadse Volksraad in 1846 van Mswati gekoop het, was daar behalwe die Pedi verskeie ander groepe aanwesig wat almal gedurende die loop van die negentiende eeu onder Blanke gesag gekom het. Hieronder het getel die Ndzundza, die Kopa, Tau, Kwena, Ntwane, Koni, Rôka, Kutswe , Pai en Pulana, waarvan die Ndzundza en Kopa die belangrikste was. Ten spyte van die feit dat daar heelwat argivale bronne oor hierdie groepe bestaan, het geen navorser dit tot op hede nog ontgin nie. Oor die onderwerping van hierdie stamme aan Blanke gesag gedurende die negentiende eeu, is daar weinig bekend. Wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis betref, geld Thompson se opmerking nog steeds dat historici wetenskaplike studie oor die Swartes tradisioneel aan navorsers uit ander dissiplines oorgelaat het. Dit blyk duidelik uit 'n ontleding van sekondêre materiaal wat oor die Ndzundza bestaan. Verskeie studies van volkekundige aard is oor die verskillende kulturele fasette en pre-koloniale geskiedenis van die Transvaalse Ndebele, waarvan die Ndzundza deel uitmaak, gedoen. In die meeste van hierdie studies word die pre-Blanke geskiedenis van die Ndzundza as inleiding aangebied, terwyl daar in sommige gevalle ook na die historiese tydperk verwys word. Op hierdie wyse is die herkomsgeskiedenis van die Ndzundza met behulp van mondelinge tradisies redelik volledig opgeteken. As gevolg van die feit dat geen argivale bronne geraadpleeg is nie, is die volkekundige werke wat die historiese tydperk betref, deurspek met spekulasies, onjuisthede en valse aannames. Met enkele uitsonderings berus verwysings deur die enkele historici wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis behandel, veral met betrekking tot die tydperk voor 1882, grootliks op die uitsprake van volkekundiges. Dit het meegebring dat die huidige beeld en feitelikhede omtrent die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis onjuis is, veral soos dit in algemene geskiedenisse opgeteken staan. Hierteenoor het verskeie historici die Mapoch-oorlog van 1882- 1883, waartydens die Ndzundza hul onafhanklikheid verloor het, behandel. In sy biografie oor genl P. J. Joubert het J. A. Mouton die oorlog tot 'n enkele hoofstuk beperk. Vir Mouton gaan dit egter om Joubert se persoonlike aandeel en gee hy gevolglik nie veel aandag aan die belangrikste aspek van die oorlog, naamlik die oorsake, nie. H. P. van Coller het in 1941 'n MA-verhandeling die lig laat sien waarin die oorsake en verloop van die Mapoch-oorlog beskryf word. Van Coller se uiteensetting omtrent die oorsake van die oorlog is egter ontoereikend aangesien dit heelwat onjuisthede bevat, geweldig subjektief is en nie ontkom aan naïewe aannames en uitsprake nie. Die belangrikste oorsaak van die oorlog, naamlik gronddispute, word deur Van Coller geignoreer. Voorts behandel hy die oorlog as 'n gevolg van die moord op Sekhukhune, sodat die Ndzundza "toevallig" betrek word. Ander historici se verwysings na die oorlog is ook ontoereikend omdat dit in die meeste gevalle beperk bly tot enkele bladsye en paragrawe. Tot op hede is die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis dus nog of onvolledig, of onjuis opgeteken. Met hierdie studie word gepoog om 'n bydrae in hierdie verband te maak. Omdat die historisiese feite omtrent die verloop van die 1882-1883 oorlog grootliks bekend is, val die klem op die tydperk daarvóór. Voorts moet dit gemeld word dat dit in hierdie studie hoofsaaklik gaan om die faktore wat die verhoudinge tussen die Ndzundza en die Blankes bepaal het, te elimineer. Ander aspekte wat ter sprake kom is onder andere die uitwerking wat die Blanke besetting van Noordoos-Transvaal op die Ndzundza gehad het, gronddispute, arbeidsaangeleenthede, Swazi- en die Pedi-deelname in die Blankes se pogings om die Ndzundza te onderwerp van die asook die uiteindelike vernietiging en verlies onafhanklikheid van die Ndzundza. Die spelwyse van sekere name en benaminge wat in hierdie verhandeling voorkom, het in sommige gevalle probleme opgelewer. Die meerderheid Ndebele name is gespel volgens die voorskrifte van die Suid-Ndebele taalraad. Waar die korrekte moderne spelling van Swartes se name nie vasgestel kon word nie, is dit in aanhalingstekens weergegee soos dit in die dokument voorkom. AIle amptelike benamings soos staatspresident of koloniale sekretaris is in die teks met 'n kleinlettertjie gespel maar in die voetnotas met 'n hoofletter. Die motivering hiervoor is die Afrikaanse gebruik om amptelike benamings binne Westerse staatsverband met 'n hoofletter te spel maar benamings in tradisionele verband soos kaptein, opperhoof of hoofman met 'n kleinlettertjie, wat myns insiens op diskriminasie neerkom. Wat die spel van die woord swart betref: Waar dit as byvoeglike naamwoord gebruik word (bv. swart kindertjies), is deurgaans van kleinletters gebruik gemaak. Hoofletters is gebruik wanneer dit as selfstandige naamwoord gebruik word, bv. Die Swartes. Die terme kaffer en meid is waar moontlik, vermy. Die aangehaalde stukke waarin dit weI voorkom, moet nie as beledigend beskou word nie maar as verteenwoordigend van die terminolgoie van 'n bepaalde tyd in die geskiedenis. Die bedoeling was geensins om enigiemand te na te kom nie. wat ter sprake kom.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1986
- Authors: Van Jaarsveld, Floris Albertus, 1922-1995
- Date: 1986
- Subjects: Ndebele (African people) -- History , Transvaal (South Africa) -- History
- Language: Afrikaans
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2578 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004379 , Ndebele (African people) -- History , Transvaal (South Africa) -- History
- Description: In 1969 het Leonard Thompson met reg beweer dat Suid-Afrikaanse historici hulle tot op hede hoofsaaklik besig gehou het met die doen en late van 'n Blanke gemeenskap wat die land sedert 1652 oorheers het. Die Swartman was die "forgotten factor" in die geskiedenis van Suider-Afrika. Waar die Swartman die onderwerp van wetenskaplike studie was, is dit aan argeoloë, linguiste, etnoloë en fisiese en sosiale antropoloë oorgelaat. Tereg het Thompson kort hierna opgemerk: "We need to know much more about the complex process by which African chiefdoms became incorporated in white controlled politics in the late nineteenth century. Only when monographs have been written on several individual cases, shall we be in a position to reach definite conclusions about the process as a whole ". Sedert hierdie uitspraak van Thompson het verskeie historici hulle op die terrein van die "forgotten factor" begewe. Omvangryke publikasies oor onder andere die Zulu, Pedi, Sotho asook die Swazi's het sedertdien die lig gesien, terwyl 'n werk oor die Tswana van Wes-Transvaal pas verskyn het. Hierteenoor het heelwat van die kleiner en minder invloedryke swart groeperinge tot op hede steeds agterweë gebly. Wat Noordoos Transvaal betref - meer spesifiek die gebied tussen die Elandsrivier, die Lebomboberg en die Krokodilrivier wat die Ohrigstadse Volksraad in 1846 van Mswati gekoop het, was daar behalwe die Pedi verskeie ander groepe aanwesig wat almal gedurende die loop van die negentiende eeu onder Blanke gesag gekom het. Hieronder het getel die Ndzundza, die Kopa, Tau, Kwena, Ntwane, Koni, Rôka, Kutswe , Pai en Pulana, waarvan die Ndzundza en Kopa die belangrikste was. Ten spyte van die feit dat daar heelwat argivale bronne oor hierdie groepe bestaan, het geen navorser dit tot op hede nog ontgin nie. Oor die onderwerping van hierdie stamme aan Blanke gesag gedurende die negentiende eeu, is daar weinig bekend. Wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis betref, geld Thompson se opmerking nog steeds dat historici wetenskaplike studie oor die Swartes tradisioneel aan navorsers uit ander dissiplines oorgelaat het. Dit blyk duidelik uit 'n ontleding van sekondêre materiaal wat oor die Ndzundza bestaan. Verskeie studies van volkekundige aard is oor die verskillende kulturele fasette en pre-koloniale geskiedenis van die Transvaalse Ndebele, waarvan die Ndzundza deel uitmaak, gedoen. In die meeste van hierdie studies word die pre-Blanke geskiedenis van die Ndzundza as inleiding aangebied, terwyl daar in sommige gevalle ook na die historiese tydperk verwys word. Op hierdie wyse is die herkomsgeskiedenis van die Ndzundza met behulp van mondelinge tradisies redelik volledig opgeteken. As gevolg van die feit dat geen argivale bronne geraadpleeg is nie, is die volkekundige werke wat die historiese tydperk betref, deurspek met spekulasies, onjuisthede en valse aannames. Met enkele uitsonderings berus verwysings deur die enkele historici wat die Ndzundza-geskiedenis behandel, veral met betrekking tot die tydperk voor 1882, grootliks op die uitsprake van volkekundiges. Dit het meegebring dat die huidige beeld en feitelikhede omtrent die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis onjuis is, veral soos dit in algemene geskiedenisse opgeteken staan. Hierteenoor het verskeie historici die Mapoch-oorlog van 1882- 1883, waartydens die Ndzundza hul onafhanklikheid verloor het, behandel. In sy biografie oor genl P. J. Joubert het J. A. Mouton die oorlog tot 'n enkele hoofstuk beperk. Vir Mouton gaan dit egter om Joubert se persoonlike aandeel en gee hy gevolglik nie veel aandag aan die belangrikste aspek van die oorlog, naamlik die oorsake, nie. H. P. van Coller het in 1941 'n MA-verhandeling die lig laat sien waarin die oorsake en verloop van die Mapoch-oorlog beskryf word. Van Coller se uiteensetting omtrent die oorsake van die oorlog is egter ontoereikend aangesien dit heelwat onjuisthede bevat, geweldig subjektief is en nie ontkom aan naïewe aannames en uitsprake nie. Die belangrikste oorsaak van die oorlog, naamlik gronddispute, word deur Van Coller geignoreer. Voorts behandel hy die oorlog as 'n gevolg van die moord op Sekhukhune, sodat die Ndzundza "toevallig" betrek word. Ander historici se verwysings na die oorlog is ook ontoereikend omdat dit in die meeste gevalle beperk bly tot enkele bladsye en paragrawe. Tot op hede is die negentiende eeuse Ndzundza-geskiedenis dus nog of onvolledig, of onjuis opgeteken. Met hierdie studie word gepoog om 'n bydrae in hierdie verband te maak. Omdat die historisiese feite omtrent die verloop van die 1882-1883 oorlog grootliks bekend is, val die klem op die tydperk daarvóór. Voorts moet dit gemeld word dat dit in hierdie studie hoofsaaklik gaan om die faktore wat die verhoudinge tussen die Ndzundza en die Blankes bepaal het, te elimineer. Ander aspekte wat ter sprake kom is onder andere die uitwerking wat die Blanke besetting van Noordoos-Transvaal op die Ndzundza gehad het, gronddispute, arbeidsaangeleenthede, Swazi- en die Pedi-deelname in die Blankes se pogings om die Ndzundza te onderwerp van die asook die uiteindelike vernietiging en verlies onafhanklikheid van die Ndzundza. Die spelwyse van sekere name en benaminge wat in hierdie verhandeling voorkom, het in sommige gevalle probleme opgelewer. Die meerderheid Ndebele name is gespel volgens die voorskrifte van die Suid-Ndebele taalraad. Waar die korrekte moderne spelling van Swartes se name nie vasgestel kon word nie, is dit in aanhalingstekens weergegee soos dit in die dokument voorkom. AIle amptelike benamings soos staatspresident of koloniale sekretaris is in die teks met 'n kleinlettertjie gespel maar in die voetnotas met 'n hoofletter. Die motivering hiervoor is die Afrikaanse gebruik om amptelike benamings binne Westerse staatsverband met 'n hoofletter te spel maar benamings in tradisionele verband soos kaptein, opperhoof of hoofman met 'n kleinlettertjie, wat myns insiens op diskriminasie neerkom. Wat die spel van die woord swart betref: Waar dit as byvoeglike naamwoord gebruik word (bv. swart kindertjies), is deurgaans van kleinletters gebruik gemaak. Hoofletters is gebruik wanneer dit as selfstandige naamwoord gebruik word, bv. Die Swartes. Die terme kaffer en meid is waar moontlik, vermy. Die aangehaalde stukke waarin dit weI voorkom, moet nie as beledigend beskou word nie maar as verteenwoordigend van die terminolgoie van 'n bepaalde tyd in die geskiedenis. Die bedoeling was geensins om enigiemand te na te kom nie. wat ter sprake kom.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1986
An unsung dialogue: music, society and the history of The Flames
- Authors: Park, Duncan Keith
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: The Flames (Musical group) , Fataar, Steve , Durban (South Africa) -- History , Durban (South Africa) -- Race relations , Musical groups -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Durban , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1961-1978
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/169632 , vital:41780
- Description: This research aims to examine the relationship between music and social conditions within the context of apartheid . The focus area is the city of Durban, specifically 1960-1970. A case study of the multi-racial Durban-based band, The Flames 1963–1972) will be used to rigorously assess the extent to which social conditions and music can affect each other in both directions. This will also be the first coherent and historical narrative of the band, The Flames. As such, the thesis aims to make an original contribution to this field of music history, while it will provide the very first academic discussion of The Flames. South Africa during apartheid, with its racialised legislation provides an ideal context to scrutinize the effects (both potential and real) of music on social conditions. The Flames provide a particularly relevant case point; being a collective of “mixed-race” individuals classified as Coloured performing for a multi-racial fan- base. This means that at their concerts, audience members would have frequently been from a variety of different racial backgrounds. This would have been in direct contravention to the National Party‟s (NP) Separate Amenities Act as well as the policy of “separate development”, the cornerstone of apartheid. The thesis will firstly contextualise the research within the broader, global historical context, as well as in the existing theoretical literature which focuses on the relationship between music, politics and society. Firstly, this will entail a brief historical account of popular music around the world during the twentieth century. Through this we will observe both the ways in which the development and popularisation of various forms of popular music came to be shaped in a particular way, as well as the ways in which the public received this music. This will include an examination of positive responses to certain kinds of popular music which resonated and became popular with various sectors of society. Conversely, it will also closely examine the backlashes against these musical forms, and attempt to identify why certain sectors of the public were deeply opposed to particular kinds of popular music which may have been perceived to embody certain values and meanings. This will be conducted by studying various forms of popular music from the turn of the twentieth century into the early 1970s with a cross-cultural, global perspective, examining particular historical instances and existing theories relating to these instances. Chapter one will then shift from a global perspective and will situate the research within the South African musical context specifically. This will include an account of the development of South African popular music through the twentieth century in relation to the country's politics. Through examining this relationship, the dialogue between historical case studies and theoretical literature will continue, in which existing theories relating to the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed. This theoretical literature will be made use of in the final section of the paper in order to make sense of The Flames and their role in South African history. The second section of this thesis will focus on the socio-historical context of the city of Durban under apartheid. The author will contextualise the research through a narrative historical retelling of Durban‟s social history, focusing on both political and social public mobilisation and the role of cultural spaces and practices within these his torical moments and their relevant structures. Attention will be paid to the development of segregation and apartheid within Durban specifically, while racial relations will also be fo cused upon. This will provide the reader with the necessary background required in order to meaningfully understand how the band The Flames came into existence, became popular, and whether or not they had any meaningful effect on their historical context. The section on Durban's history will be followed by a brief account of Durban's Coloured community's history, as well as a discussion around Coloured identity more broadly within the South African context. This will be vital to the research due to the fact that the musicians of The Flames were classified as Coloured under apartheid, and such an historical background will be critical to understanding the social, political and economic context of the band. Finally, the thesis will end with the written history of The Flame . This final section will provide an account of The Flames' history in which the band will be made sense of within the context of Durban during apartheid, as well as within the context of South African music, and the globalised context of popular music. By situating the band within these three contexts, we can truly assess both how they were shaped by their contexts, and whether they had any effect on these contexts of which they were a part. In this section those existing theories around the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed and assessed in order to determine how useful a framework they may be for understanding popular music in certain historical contexts. In this way, the research aims to make a meaningful contribution to the study of music and its socio-political role throughout history, as well as to the broader understanding of Durban's history. Specifically, the role of music in Durban's history is being examined, and the researcher hopes that this work can begin to open up new discussions around the importance of studying music in Durban, and South Africa's history. Additionally, this thesis will open up a new area of research into a band which, until this point, has not been engaged with in the field of music history whatsoever. .
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Park, Duncan Keith
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: The Flames (Musical group) , Fataar, Steve , Durban (South Africa) -- History , Durban (South Africa) -- Race relations , Musical groups -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa , Music -- Social aspects -- South Africa -- Durban , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1961-1978
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/169632 , vital:41780
- Description: This research aims to examine the relationship between music and social conditions within the context of apartheid . The focus area is the city of Durban, specifically 1960-1970. A case study of the multi-racial Durban-based band, The Flames 1963–1972) will be used to rigorously assess the extent to which social conditions and music can affect each other in both directions. This will also be the first coherent and historical narrative of the band, The Flames. As such, the thesis aims to make an original contribution to this field of music history, while it will provide the very first academic discussion of The Flames. South Africa during apartheid, with its racialised legislation provides an ideal context to scrutinize the effects (both potential and real) of music on social conditions. The Flames provide a particularly relevant case point; being a collective of “mixed-race” individuals classified as Coloured performing for a multi-racial fan- base. This means that at their concerts, audience members would have frequently been from a variety of different racial backgrounds. This would have been in direct contravention to the National Party‟s (NP) Separate Amenities Act as well as the policy of “separate development”, the cornerstone of apartheid. The thesis will firstly contextualise the research within the broader, global historical context, as well as in the existing theoretical literature which focuses on the relationship between music, politics and society. Firstly, this will entail a brief historical account of popular music around the world during the twentieth century. Through this we will observe both the ways in which the development and popularisation of various forms of popular music came to be shaped in a particular way, as well as the ways in which the public received this music. This will include an examination of positive responses to certain kinds of popular music which resonated and became popular with various sectors of society. Conversely, it will also closely examine the backlashes against these musical forms, and attempt to identify why certain sectors of the public were deeply opposed to particular kinds of popular music which may have been perceived to embody certain values and meanings. This will be conducted by studying various forms of popular music from the turn of the twentieth century into the early 1970s with a cross-cultural, global perspective, examining particular historical instances and existing theories relating to these instances. Chapter one will then shift from a global perspective and will situate the research within the South African musical context specifically. This will include an account of the development of South African popular music through the twentieth century in relation to the country's politics. Through examining this relationship, the dialogue between historical case studies and theoretical literature will continue, in which existing theories relating to the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed. This theoretical literature will be made use of in the final section of the paper in order to make sense of The Flames and their role in South African history. The second section of this thesis will focus on the socio-historical context of the city of Durban under apartheid. The author will contextualise the research through a narrative historical retelling of Durban‟s social history, focusing on both political and social public mobilisation and the role of cultural spaces and practices within these his torical moments and their relevant structures. Attention will be paid to the development of segregation and apartheid within Durban specifically, while racial relations will also be fo cused upon. This will provide the reader with the necessary background required in order to meaningfully understand how the band The Flames came into existence, became popular, and whether or not they had any meaningful effect on their historical context. The section on Durban's history will be followed by a brief account of Durban's Coloured community's history, as well as a discussion around Coloured identity more broadly within the South African context. This will be vital to the research due to the fact that the musicians of The Flames were classified as Coloured under apartheid, and such an historical background will be critical to understanding the social, political and economic context of the band. Finally, the thesis will end with the written history of The Flame . This final section will provide an account of The Flames' history in which the band will be made sense of within the context of Durban during apartheid, as well as within the context of South African music, and the globalised context of popular music. By situating the band within these three contexts, we can truly assess both how they were shaped by their contexts, and whether they had any effect on these contexts of which they were a part. In this section those existing theories around the relationship between music, politics and society will be discussed and assessed in order to determine how useful a framework they may be for understanding popular music in certain historical contexts. In this way, the research aims to make a meaningful contribution to the study of music and its socio-political role throughout history, as well as to the broader understanding of Durban's history. Specifically, the role of music in Durban's history is being examined, and the researcher hopes that this work can begin to open up new discussions around the importance of studying music in Durban, and South Africa's history. Additionally, this thesis will open up a new area of research into a band which, until this point, has not been engaged with in the field of music history whatsoever. .
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Pitied plumage and dying birds : the public mourning of national heroines and post-apartheid foundational mythology construction
- Authors: Kerseboom, Simone
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Women heroes -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Nationalism and collective memory -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , Women political activists -- South Africa , Dead -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Critical discourse analysis
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2625 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019884
- Description: The original contribution of this thesis is the examination of the official construction of a post-apartheid foundation myth through the analysis of the dead body politics of five iconic South African women that spans the three presidencies that have defined South Africa’s democratic era. This thesis examines the death and funeral of Albertina Sisulu, the return and burial of Sara Baartman, and the commemoration of Charlotte Maxeke, Lilian Ngoyi, and Helen Joseph. Sisulu, Baartman, Maxeke, Ngoyi, and Joseph have been constructed as heroines and as foundational figures for the post-apartheid nation in official rhetoric. It will contend that the dead body politics of these women not only informs a new foundational mythology, but also features in the processes of regime legitimation when the ANC-dominated government faces strong societal criticism. Although such official expressions of nationalism may appear exhausted, this thesis will show that nationalism remains a powerful and dangerous force in South Africa that attempts to silence opposition and critical analysis of perceived failing government policies or inaction. This thesis will indicate that as women’s bodies and legacies are appropriated for nationalist projects they are subsumed in discourses of domestic femininity in official rhetoric that dangerously detract from women’s democratic rights and their ability to exercise responsible and productive citizenship in the post-apartheid state. It will argue that women’s historic political activism is contained within the meta-narrative of ‘The Struggle’ and that women are re-subsumed into the patriarchal discourses of the past that are inherited in the present. This thesis approaches this topic by considering a top-to-bottom construction of post-apartheid nationalism through applying feminist critical discourse analysis to official rhetoric articulated at the public mourning and commemorative rituals of these five women.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Kerseboom, Simone
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Women heroes -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Nationalism and collective memory -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , Women political activists -- South Africa , Dead -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Critical discourse analysis
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2625 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1019884
- Description: The original contribution of this thesis is the examination of the official construction of a post-apartheid foundation myth through the analysis of the dead body politics of five iconic South African women that spans the three presidencies that have defined South Africa’s democratic era. This thesis examines the death and funeral of Albertina Sisulu, the return and burial of Sara Baartman, and the commemoration of Charlotte Maxeke, Lilian Ngoyi, and Helen Joseph. Sisulu, Baartman, Maxeke, Ngoyi, and Joseph have been constructed as heroines and as foundational figures for the post-apartheid nation in official rhetoric. It will contend that the dead body politics of these women not only informs a new foundational mythology, but also features in the processes of regime legitimation when the ANC-dominated government faces strong societal criticism. Although such official expressions of nationalism may appear exhausted, this thesis will show that nationalism remains a powerful and dangerous force in South Africa that attempts to silence opposition and critical analysis of perceived failing government policies or inaction. This thesis will indicate that as women’s bodies and legacies are appropriated for nationalist projects they are subsumed in discourses of domestic femininity in official rhetoric that dangerously detract from women’s democratic rights and their ability to exercise responsible and productive citizenship in the post-apartheid state. It will argue that women’s historic political activism is contained within the meta-narrative of ‘The Struggle’ and that women are re-subsumed into the patriarchal discourses of the past that are inherited in the present. This thesis approaches this topic by considering a top-to-bottom construction of post-apartheid nationalism through applying feminist critical discourse analysis to official rhetoric articulated at the public mourning and commemorative rituals of these five women.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015