Civil society's quest for democracy in Zimbabwe: origins,barriers and prospects, 1900-2008
- Authors: Magure, Booker
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Civil Society -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980 Zimbabwe -- Economic conditions Zimbabwe -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2798 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008
- Description: This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Magure, Booker
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Civil Society -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980 Zimbabwe -- Economic conditions Zimbabwe -- History
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2798 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003008
- Description: This thesis is a critical examination of the origins, barriers and prospects for a working class-led civil society as it sought to democratise Zimbabwe’s post-colonial state. It is an interdisciplinary but historically informed analysis of how advanced capitalist development promoted the emergence of social movement unionism with a potentiality to advance democracy in Zimbabwe. Despite occurring on a much smaller and thinner scale, the evolution of civil society in colonial Zimbabwe was akin to what happened in 19th century Britain where capitalist expansion presented a foundation for democratisation. However, big underlying barriers exist in Zimbabwe, resulting from various forms of authoritarian structures and forcible mobilisation strategies emanating from colonialism and the protracted war of liberation. ZANU PF’s violent reaction to memory contests by non-participants in the war of liberation seeking an alternative political agenda attest to the controversial and polemical nature of struggles over memory and forgetting in contemporary Zimbabwean politics. These structural impediments forestalled the organic growth of civil society in Zimbabwe, thereby explaining its inchoate status and the failure to significantly determine the course of public policy. While recognising the democratic aspirations and capacities of the working class in precipitating political change, this thesis takes into consideration the impact of other factors on state-society relations. These include deepening state barbarism, globalisation, and technological advances in communication, transnational civil society, a dysfunctional economy, migration and remittances. Finally this thesis presents an optimistic scenario about the prospects for civil society and democratisation in Zimbabwe. I argue that the revival of the productive sectors of the economy can possibly strengthen the labour movement and revive its capacities for ushering in a democracy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Security community building? : an assessment of Southern African regional integration in the post-apartheid era
- Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Lekhooa, Tumo
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2844 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1005958 , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Africa, Southern -- Economic integration , National security -- Africa, Southern , Political stability -- Africa, Southern , Southern African Development Community
- Description: The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
A study of intra-African relations an analysis of the factors informing the foreign policy of Malawi towards Zimbabwe
- Authors: Njoloma, Eugenio
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Malawi -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- Malawi Malawi -- Politics and government -- 20th century Malawi -- Politics and government -- 21st century Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2818 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028
- Description: There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
- Authors: Njoloma, Eugenio
- Date: 2010
- Subjects: Malawi -- Foreign relations -- Zimbabwe Zimbabwe -- Foreign relations -- Malawi Malawi -- Politics and government -- 20th century Malawi -- Politics and government -- 21st century Southern African Development Community
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2818 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003028
- Description: There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2010
Transnational civil society's ability to successfully influence state actors on human rights issues through international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) : a case study of the coalition to stop the use of child soldiers
- Authors: VerHage, Alicia
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: International Campaign to Ban Landmines , Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989 November 20) , Non-governmental organizations , Child soldiers , Children's rights , Human rights , Children (International law)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2884 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015249
- Description: The international dilemma of child soldiers is a humanitarian concern throughout the world. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS) began in 1998 and is currently the leading collaborative movement to address the issue. However, because of its emphasis on a universal 'Straight 18' approach and support of the Optional Protocol of the Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC), the CSUCS ignores contextual realities that affect the implementation ofthe international legislation and the development of norms concerning child soldiers. This research project will examine the current international nongovernmental organization (INGO) response to child soldiers- focusing on the CSCUS - and formulate suggestions for potential avenues to further INGO involvement with policies and projects. The argument is based on a neoliberal institutionalist platform that argues in favour ofiNGOs' ability to successfully influence actions taken by state actors to address human right issues. Highlighting the successful INGO influence on states during the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, I will present this example as a potential model for the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and explore the feasibility of this model whilst making suggestions for more effective involvement of INGOs with regard to the issue of child soldiers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: VerHage, Alicia
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: International Campaign to Ban Landmines , Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989 November 20) , Non-governmental organizations , Child soldiers , Children's rights , Human rights , Children (International law)
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2884 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015249
- Description: The international dilemma of child soldiers is a humanitarian concern throughout the world. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS) began in 1998 and is currently the leading collaborative movement to address the issue. However, because of its emphasis on a universal 'Straight 18' approach and support of the Optional Protocol of the Convention on the Rights of a Child (CRC), the CSUCS ignores contextual realities that affect the implementation ofthe international legislation and the development of norms concerning child soldiers. This research project will examine the current international nongovernmental organization (INGO) response to child soldiers- focusing on the CSCUS - and formulate suggestions for potential avenues to further INGO involvement with policies and projects. The argument is based on a neoliberal institutionalist platform that argues in favour ofiNGOs' ability to successfully influence actions taken by state actors to address human right issues. Highlighting the successful INGO influence on states during the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, I will present this example as a potential model for the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, and explore the feasibility of this model whilst making suggestions for more effective involvement of INGOs with regard to the issue of child soldiers.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
A comparative analysis of the use of participatory practices by indigenous trusts and mainstream development NGOs in Zvimba Communal Area Zimbabwe
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Mbanje, Bowden Bolt
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Caritas Zimbabwe , Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT) , Non-governmental organizations -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Community development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Rural development -- Zimbabwe -- Zvimba District , Zvimba Communal Land (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/167099 , vital:41437
- Description: This thesis compares the extent to which participatory practices have been used by Caritas Zimbabwe, a mainstream NGO, and the Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust (ZvCSOT), an indigenous Trust, in Zvimba District, Zimbabwe. Participatory development initiatives are common practice in NGO and government development work in Zimbabwe. The thesis begins with a discussion of two aspects of participatory development (PD). Firstly, PD is discussed in relation to decentralization processes where central government transfers administrative and financial authority to sub-national government units in order to enhance the participation of rural communities in development interventions. Secondly, PD is discussed in relation to the increased role of NGOs in development work. During the 1980s and 1990s, shifts in development thinking resulted in NGOs being perceived as important actors who could attend to the development gaps left by an economically incapacitated state. Both NGOs and sub-national government units were seen to be closer to rural communities and so were thought to be in a better position to enhance the participation of these communities in meaningful development projects. An analysis of the practices of the NGO and CSOT under consideration in this study shows that while there has been much rhetorical commitment to participation, community participation in the development interventions of the NGO and the CSOT is inadequate. In introducing and implementing development interventions, there has been a tendency by both the NGO and CSOT to give priority to organizational preferences over local needs. While recognizing the participatory efforts made by mainstream development NGOs (Caritas in particular) and indigenous Trusts (Zvimba Community Share Ownership Trust in particular) in Zimbabwe, this thesis also considers the impact of other factors on participatory development initiatives. A major observation from the study is that in as much as we expect genuine participatory approaches which include grassroots communities’ inputs from the project’s conceptualization all the way to its evaluation, the challenge is that the elites at the higher level (central government and donor offices) have their own development preferences and interests while the elites at the lower levels (local government and NGO offices) also have their own priorities and needs. Consequently, local communities tend to be confined to implementing development projects foisted on them by elites at the higher level as well as those at the lower level. Worse still, the study shows that elites at the lowest level (community) sometimes hijack or take advantage of the imposed projects. Participation has been stalled by elites at various levels of the participatory development ladder. Thus, unless power imbalances are seriously addressed at all levels, participatory development will remain elusive.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Shifting Norms and Practices of International Criminal Justice: Exploring African State and Non-State Agency at the International Criminal Court
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mtero, Shingirai
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: Uncatalogued
- Language: English
- Type: Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/192875 , vital:45273
- Description: Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
The binding roots of free speech
- Authors: Boughey, Thomas John George
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Freedom of speech
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2849 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006255
- Description: This thesis argues that the modern notion of free-speech was born within the Westphalian nation-state. It suggests that the legal rights framework - particular to the Westphalian nationstate - not only legitimizes and legalizes the right to free-speech, but also enables us to invoke legally the necessary limitations that demand the limitation of free-speech in certain contexts. However, such a legal-rights framework is exclusive to the nation-state and cannot be enforced on an international level, outside of the nation-state boundary. With reference to examples on an international level, this thesis demonstrates that calls for the limitation of free-speech are indeed legitimate and necessary but cannot be enforced on an international level for the reasons just mentioned. In order to address this problem, this thesis proposes a framework - based on a Kantian model - that enables us to invoke the limitation of free-speech on an international level without appealing to a legal-rights discourse to do so.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Boughey, Thomas John George
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Freedom of speech
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2849 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006255
- Description: This thesis argues that the modern notion of free-speech was born within the Westphalian nation-state. It suggests that the legal rights framework - particular to the Westphalian nationstate - not only legitimizes and legalizes the right to free-speech, but also enables us to invoke legally the necessary limitations that demand the limitation of free-speech in certain contexts. However, such a legal-rights framework is exclusive to the nation-state and cannot be enforced on an international level, outside of the nation-state boundary. With reference to examples on an international level, this thesis demonstrates that calls for the limitation of free-speech are indeed legitimate and necessary but cannot be enforced on an international level for the reasons just mentioned. In order to address this problem, this thesis proposes a framework - based on a Kantian model - that enables us to invoke the limitation of free-speech on an international level without appealing to a legal-rights discourse to do so.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
The power of hegemonic theory in Southern Africa: why Lesotho cannot develop an independent foreign policy
- Authors: Mahao, Lehloenya
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2799 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009 , Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Description: This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
- Authors: Mahao, Lehloenya
- Date: 2006
- Subjects: Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2799 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003009 , Hegemony -- South Africa , Lesotho -- Politics and government , Lesotho -- Foreign relations -- South Africa , South Africa -- Foreign relations -- Lesotho
- Description: This thesis critiques hegemonic theory – especially the impact of a hegemonic state on the ability of small states to develop an independent foreign policy. The research uses Lesotho as a case study of a subordinate state in relation to the Republic of South Africa (RSA) as a hegemonic state. It draws on the history of Lesotho’s quest for sovereignty and argues that this sovereignty is constantly eroded to the advantage of its hegemonic neighbour. This constrains Lesotho’s ability to develop an independent foreign policy.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2006
Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic
- Authors: De Villiers, Shirley
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian Arabs -- Civil rights -- Israel Nationalism -- Middle East Religion and politics -- Middle East Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Religious aspects -- Islam -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2873 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815
- Description: The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2004
- Authors: De Villiers, Shirley
- Date: 2004
- Subjects: Arab-Israeli conflict Palestinian Arabs -- Civil rights -- Israel Nationalism -- Middle East Religion and politics -- Middle East Jewish-Arab relations Nationalism -- Religious aspects -- Islam -- History -- 20th century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2873 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815
- Description: The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2004
Contending issues in South Africa's foreign policy : universalism versus economic national interest : the case of South Africa's arms sales to 'pariah states' 1994-1999
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1994- South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- South Africa -- Foreign economic relations Arms transfers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2868 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712
- Description: This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
- Authors: Othieno, Timothy
- Date: 2005
- Subjects: South Africa -- Foreign relations -- 1994- South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- South Africa -- Foreign economic relations Arms transfers -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2868 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007712
- Description: This study examines post-apartheid South African foreign policy under former President Nelson Mandela, and the apparent ambiguities that were its recurrent feature in the period from 1994 to 1999. Its focus is on the inherent irreconcilability of the economic national interests and the foreign policy principles which included the promotion of and respect for universalist principles and interests such as human rights, democracy, international peace and security. In examining South African foreign policy during this period, it would appear that the country was trapped between two competing priorities: the need to promote "universalist" principles and the need to satisfy its national economic interests. The main aim of the study is to explain how this "irreconcilability" between universalist principles and national economic interests would later create ambiguities and contradictions in South Africa's foreign policy, weaken respect for its foreign policy principles, and ultimately lead to ideological failure among politicians who employed 'short-term gain' policy decision-making in dealing with 'pariah states'. The study further demonstrates that "realist" national interests are frequently short-term, realizable and vital for a country, while universalist interests are long-term, idealistic and usually not easily realizable. It will be argued, therefore, that a country faced with making decisions about its vital national interests, will not make efforts to pursue long-term universalist interests if that choice would in any way endanger its fundamental national interests. In order to better assess this ambiguity, this thesis will provide a case study of Pretoria's arms sales to 'pariah states' during the period. The purpose of this study is not to attempt to explain all of the issues around post-apartheid foreign policymaking, or even to argue whether the sale of arms to 'pariah states' was 'politically incorrect', but to provide a 'piece of the puzzle' which might explain how the social and economic situation may have compelled Pretoria to sell arms when these actions disregarded universalist principles of foreign policy. The conclusion seems to confirm the realist view that universal values and principles can be regarded only when they are in harmony with a state's perceived self-interests.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2005
State sovereignty and alternative community in southern Africa: exploring the Zion Christian Church as the building block for deeper notions of regional community
- Authors: Radebe, Zandisiwe
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Zionist Christian Church Southern African Development Community Community development -- Africa, Southern Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Sovereignty -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2824 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003034
- Description: Regional community in southern Africa has been limited to the region’s states. As a result, deeper notions of community emanating from non-state actors, particularly transnational social movements, continue to be ignored. In an attempt to transcend state centrism, this thesis highlights alternative forms of regional community by exploring the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), one of southern Africa’s biggest and fastest growing cross-border movements. The ZCC is a potential agent for developing regional community from the bottom-up, driving a people-oriented regional integration approach in southern Africa. The ZCC, with its extensive following among the region’s poor, offers a compelling example of a grassroots and truly bottom-up approach to regional community. This thesis explores the possibility of the ZCC as a model of alternative community and identity centred on people’s daily experiences and grounded in a shared history and solidarity. It seeks to highlight the significance of transnational movements like the ZCC to policy makers in the region and it argues that grassroots communities are marching ahead of SADC member states and politicians in the area of integration. There exists a transnational cooperation amongst followers of the ZCC and other grassroots communities across the region and this cooperation transcends the traditional notion of state sovereignty, thereby highlighting deeper notions of what it means to be a community at regional level.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
- Authors: Radebe, Zandisiwe
- Date: 2008
- Subjects: Zionist Christian Church Southern African Development Community Community development -- Africa, Southern Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Sovereignty -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2824 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003034
- Description: Regional community in southern Africa has been limited to the region’s states. As a result, deeper notions of community emanating from non-state actors, particularly transnational social movements, continue to be ignored. In an attempt to transcend state centrism, this thesis highlights alternative forms of regional community by exploring the Zion Christian Church (ZCC), one of southern Africa’s biggest and fastest growing cross-border movements. The ZCC is a potential agent for developing regional community from the bottom-up, driving a people-oriented regional integration approach in southern Africa. The ZCC, with its extensive following among the region’s poor, offers a compelling example of a grassroots and truly bottom-up approach to regional community. This thesis explores the possibility of the ZCC as a model of alternative community and identity centred on people’s daily experiences and grounded in a shared history and solidarity. It seeks to highlight the significance of transnational movements like the ZCC to policy makers in the region and it argues that grassroots communities are marching ahead of SADC member states and politicians in the area of integration. There exists a transnational cooperation amongst followers of the ZCC and other grassroots communities across the region and this cooperation transcends the traditional notion of state sovereignty, thereby highlighting deeper notions of what it means to be a community at regional level.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2008
The roots run deep?: Understanding branch politics within the African National Congress
- Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
- Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
- Authors: Mkhutle, Nhlanhla Handsome
- Date: 2021-10-29
- Subjects: African National Congress , Manipulative behavior Political aspects South Africa , Cartels South Africa , Power (Social sciences) South Africa , Patronage, Political South Africa , Political party organization South Africa , Branch politics
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/190261 , vital:44978
- Description: This thesis explores the functioning of branch politics within the African National Congress (ANC) and the influence of branch politics on the organization and its structures. The ANC has many of the characteristics of a mass party. In mass parties, mass participation is supposed to be promoted through the activities of party branches. This thesis documents the weakening of the ANC’s local level structures and their political control over the organization’s decisions. ANC branches are investigated as democratic vanguards of ANC’s mass party persona, in relation to their functioning as the most basic units of the organization. The thesis reflects on branch members’ experiences in different ANC branches to understand the interplay between branch politics, political power, and patronage politics within the ANC. This research project also explores the possibility of manipulation of ANC branches by senior leaders and would-be-leaders of the ANC. The thesis then concludes by summarising the state of branch politics within the ANC and giving recommendations on further study with regards to branch politics of the ANC. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, Political and International Studies, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-10-29
Being Indian, being MK: an exploration of the experiences and ethnic identities of Indian South African Umkhonto we Sizwe members
- Authors: Lalla, Varsha
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) -- Research Political activists -- Research -- South Africa East Indians -- Politics and government -- Research -- South Africa Ethnicity -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2792 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003002
- Description: Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was a military organization dominated by black Africans. Although it is not generally associated with Indian South Africans, who form a minority in the country, there were Indian MK members. This thesis explores the way in which Indian MK members reconciled aspects of their ethnic identity with their membership of MK. It explores the experiences of two generations of members: those born between 1929 and 1944 and those born between 1960 and 1969. In particular it looks at whether they experienced tensions between their ethnic and political identities. It explores what set these Indian South Africans apart from the rest of the Indian South African community that did not join MK. It also looks at what significant differences there were between different generations of Indian MK members. The research results show that the first generation MK members believe that their MK activities were „the highest form of passive resistance‟. An explanation for this way of referring to their activities could be that this was a way of reconciling tensions between their ethnic and political identities. The first generation was also very critical of the Indian SA community. This could be because they still feel part of this community despite having a strong political consciousness that is different from most of the community. It was found that some of the features that set Indian MK members apart from other Indian South Africans were that they were not raised in very religious households and occupied a fairly low rather than „middle man‟ economic position. In addition, members of the first generation of MK members were raised in comparatively multi-racial areas. Both generations made the decision to join MK because of Indian role models. There were some marked differences between the two generations of MK veterans. Most notably, the younger did not see their activities as in line with passive resistance and they also displayed more ambivalence about their ethnic identities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
- Authors: Lalla, Varsha
- Date: 2011
- Subjects: Umkhonto we Sizwe (South Africa) -- Research Political activists -- Research -- South Africa East Indians -- Politics and government -- Research -- South Africa Ethnicity -- Political aspects -- South Africa -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2792 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003002
- Description: Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) was a military organization dominated by black Africans. Although it is not generally associated with Indian South Africans, who form a minority in the country, there were Indian MK members. This thesis explores the way in which Indian MK members reconciled aspects of their ethnic identity with their membership of MK. It explores the experiences of two generations of members: those born between 1929 and 1944 and those born between 1960 and 1969. In particular it looks at whether they experienced tensions between their ethnic and political identities. It explores what set these Indian South Africans apart from the rest of the Indian South African community that did not join MK. It also looks at what significant differences there were between different generations of Indian MK members. The research results show that the first generation MK members believe that their MK activities were „the highest form of passive resistance‟. An explanation for this way of referring to their activities could be that this was a way of reconciling tensions between their ethnic and political identities. The first generation was also very critical of the Indian SA community. This could be because they still feel part of this community despite having a strong political consciousness that is different from most of the community. It was found that some of the features that set Indian MK members apart from other Indian South Africans were that they were not raised in very religious households and occupied a fairly low rather than „middle man‟ economic position. In addition, members of the first generation of MK members were raised in comparatively multi-racial areas. Both generations made the decision to join MK because of Indian role models. There were some marked differences between the two generations of MK veterans. Most notably, the younger did not see their activities as in line with passive resistance and they also displayed more ambivalence about their ethnic identities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2011
The efficacy of multi-track diplomacy in resolving intrastate and internationalised conflicts in Africa: the case of the 2007/2008 post-election violence in Kenya
- Authors: Natolooka, Kepha
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63546 , vital:28434
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Natolooka, Kepha
- Date: 2018
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63546 , vital:28434
- Description: Expected release date-April 2019
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The politics of planning in Eastern Cape local government: a case study of Ngqushwa and Buffalo City, 1998-2004
- Authors: Hollands, Glenn Delroy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Buffalo City (South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Political planning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2875 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199
- Description: This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
- Authors: Hollands, Glenn Delroy
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Buffalo City (South Africa) Local government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Municipal government -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Case studies Political planning -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 20th century Eastern Cape (South Africa) -- History -- 21st century
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2875 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008199
- Description: This thesis examines the political implications of the integrated development planning process embarked upon by South African municipalities in the period 1998-2004. Through the use of case study methodology that focuses on the Eastern Cape municipalities of Buffalo City and Ngqushwa, the conventions of municipal planning are examined. This inquiry into municipal planning draws upon official government documents and reports and publications from the nongovernment sector. The thesis is particularly focused on the claims made in policy documents and related secondary sources and compares these to more critical reports and publication as well as the author's personal experience of the integrated development planning process. Of key interest is the possibility that planning serves political interests and the material needs of an emerging municipal elite and that this is seldom acknowledged in official planning documentation or government sanctioned publications on the topic. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: • That the 'reason' of expert policy formulations that accompanied integrated development planning has weakened political economy as a prism of understanding and separated itself from the institutional reality of municipal government • That the dominant critique of planning and other post-apartheid municipal policy is concerned with the triumph of neoliberalism but this critique, while valid, does not fully explain successive policy failures especially in the setting of Eastern Cape local government • That function of policy and its relationship to both the state and civil society is usually understood only in the most obvious sense and not as an instrument for wielding political power • That planning still derives much of its influence from its claim to technical rationality and that this underpinned the 'authority' of the integrated development planning project in South Africa and reinforced its power to make communities governable.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Force of habit the mystical foundations of the narcotic
- Authors: Howell, Simon Peter
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Drug addiction -- Philosophy -- Research Drug addiction -- Political aspects -- Research Cocaine abuse -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2784 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002994
- Description: This thesis aims to investigate and deconstruct the relationship between the narcotic, its narrative, and western modernity. To reveal the relationship, this thesis argues that it is possible to understand the philosophical, political, cultural and ethical dimensions of western modernity through the ulterior lens of the narcotic. As such, this thesis investigates western modernity's relationship to (a) cocaine as a specific narcotic, and (b) the concept of the narcotic with all its attendant connotations of addictions, illegitimacy, transgression, illegality, and so on. Accordingly, the thesis is both interpretive of the historical narrative of the narcotic of cocaine, and generative in its deconstruction of the relationship between western modernity and the concept of the narcotic. The deconstruction of this relationship ultimately reveals both prior narratives not as oppositional, but as supplementary. This has radical consequences for the manner in which we engage with narcotic use and the user - if the narcotic is supplement to the logic of western modernity, at each attempt to expel the use and user of the narcotic, rather then create difference, we self implicate ourselves in that expulsion and distance. To seek a new and more just means of dealing with the concept of the narcotic, and its use, therefore requires a new epistemological framework which can at once contemplate both narratives at the same time. To this end, the thesis suggests the use of critical complexity theory as one such methodological tool, if supplemented by the thoughts and strategies of Derridian deconstruction and Foucauldian discourse analysis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
- Authors: Howell, Simon Peter
- Date: 2012
- Subjects: Drug addiction -- Philosophy -- Research Drug addiction -- Political aspects -- Research Cocaine abuse -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Research
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2784 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002994
- Description: This thesis aims to investigate and deconstruct the relationship between the narcotic, its narrative, and western modernity. To reveal the relationship, this thesis argues that it is possible to understand the philosophical, political, cultural and ethical dimensions of western modernity through the ulterior lens of the narcotic. As such, this thesis investigates western modernity's relationship to (a) cocaine as a specific narcotic, and (b) the concept of the narcotic with all its attendant connotations of addictions, illegitimacy, transgression, illegality, and so on. Accordingly, the thesis is both interpretive of the historical narrative of the narcotic of cocaine, and generative in its deconstruction of the relationship between western modernity and the concept of the narcotic. The deconstruction of this relationship ultimately reveals both prior narratives not as oppositional, but as supplementary. This has radical consequences for the manner in which we engage with narcotic use and the user - if the narcotic is supplement to the logic of western modernity, at each attempt to expel the use and user of the narcotic, rather then create difference, we self implicate ourselves in that expulsion and distance. To seek a new and more just means of dealing with the concept of the narcotic, and its use, therefore requires a new epistemological framework which can at once contemplate both narratives at the same time. To this end, the thesis suggests the use of critical complexity theory as one such methodological tool, if supplemented by the thoughts and strategies of Derridian deconstruction and Foucauldian discourse analysis.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2012
Political party institutionalization : a case study of Kenya
- Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Authors: Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Political parties -- Kenya , Kenya -- History , Kenya -- Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2881 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258
- Description: This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
- Authors: Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price
- Date: 2014
- Subjects: Kenya -- Politics and government , Political parties -- Kenya , Kenya -- History , Kenya -- Colonial influence
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2881 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258
- Description: This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2014
National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)
- Authors: Mopp, Adrian Carl
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2808 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018 , United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Description: The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
- Authors: Mopp, Adrian Carl
- Date: 1996
- Subjects: United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2808 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018 , United Nations -- South Africa , African National Congress -- History , Economic sanctions -- South Africa , Boycotts -- South Africa
- Description: The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1996
Understanding propaganda: Noam Chomsky and the institutional analysis of power
- Authors: Cathey, Paul Eben
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Chomsky, Noam -- Political and social views Propaganda Gramsci, Antonio, 1891-1937 -- Political and social views Social classes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2765 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975
- Description: This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Cathey, Paul Eben
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Chomsky, Noam -- Political and social views Propaganda Gramsci, Antonio, 1891-1937 -- Political and social views Social classes
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2765 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002975
- Description: This thesis argues that Noam Chomsky’s theory of propaganda is a useful way to understand class domination. The strengths and weaknesses of Chomsky’s theory are examined by means of a comparison with Antonio Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony. Since work that discusses and analyses Chomsky’s theory is sparse, this piece first gives a detailed explanation of his theory. This requires a short clarification of Chomsky’s terminology, focusing on his definitions of indoctrination and class. Thereafter a thorough account of Chomsky’s ideas regarding class structure, the indoctrinating functions of educational and media institutions and the difference between upper and lower class propaganda are discussed. A common criticism of Chomsky’s arguments is that they are conspiratorial. Thus, following the discussion of Chomsky’s theory I present an argument that Chomsky uses an institutional analysis as opposed to conspiracy theory to reach his conclusions. After arguing that Chomsky has a coherent, logical theory of propaganda that is not conspiratorial, this thesis shifts to a comparison of Chomsky and Gramsci’s theory. The elements of Gramsci’s theory that are relevant to Chomsky are discussed, focusing on their overall similarities, in particular, the question of consent. The final chapter consists of a comparison of the two theories, examining each theorist’s ideas on the nature of education, language, consent and the possible ways in which the lower classes can oppose their own oppression.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration
- Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
- Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2007
Transcending state-centrism: new regionalism and the future of Southern African regional integration
- Authors: Blaauw, Lesley
- Date: 2007
- Subjects: Southern African Development Community Southern African Customs Union Southern African Development Coordination Conference Regionalism -- Africa, Southern Africa, Southern -- Economic integration
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: vital:2761 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002971
- Description: This dissertation argues that in the 1990s and beyond, the character and functions of regions and regionalism have experienced a major transformation. This requires a reconceptualisation of regions and regionalism that transcends state-centrism. The argument here is that the definition of regions and regionalism needs to recognise that other actors also participate in the construction of regions and the practise of regionalism. Up to now, however, theories of integration incompletely deal with outcomes appropriate to developing countries, states and regions. In the context where people remain vulnerable to top-down forms of regionalism driven by the forces of globalisation, this calls for a new approach in the analytical study of regionalism in a transnational context. The contention is that new regionalism, and its variant, developmental regionalism pay attention to the role those organised civil society actors and those marginalised by both globalisation and regionalisation play in promoting regionalism in a transnational context. Historically, state-centric regionalism in southern Africa was not aimed at achieving developmental objectives. In the case of SACU, the argument is that South Africa used its economic strength in a hegemonial way. To counter-act apartheid South Africa’s economic hegemony, SADCC was formed. SADCC achieved limited success in the fields of infrastructural development and in attracting donor aid. The end of the Cold War and the downfall of apartheid compelled these organisations to recast their objectives and purpose. For SACU this meant changing from an organisation dominated by South Africa to a fully-fledged inter-state one. Disconcertedly, however, about the reforms undertook by SACU, is that the disposition of member states remain important in determining the content and scope of regionalism. SADC, on the other hand, has also not sufficiently reform itself to achieve the ambitious goals it set-out for itself. Moreover, while SADC has since its inception in 1992 set-out to involve non-state actors in its regional integration efforts, limited institutional reform in 2000 and beyond, and elites at the forefront of institutional restructuring make it difficult for non-state actors to contribute to sustainable regional integration. In conclusion, this dissertation maintains that sustainable regionalist orders are best built by recognising that beyond the geometry of state-sovereignty, civil society organisations with a regional focus and the ordinary people of the region also contribute to regioness and as such to the re-conceptualisation of regional community in southern Africa.
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- Date Issued: 2007