An exploration of social media as a key site for the expression of post-racial politics
- Authors: Bell, Joshua
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- In mass media
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94049 , vital:30995
- Description: This research sets out to examine colourblind racism in contemporary South Africa, specifically, as expressed on social media networks. In South Africa, a nation lauded for its transition from Apartheid to liberal democracy, racism still continues to exist. In the new democracy, racism continues in old, familiar forms but it has been suggested that racism also assumes new and emergent forms such as ‘colourblind’ racism. This is evident in recent controversies involving local public figures and their expressions of ‘soft’, ‘colourblind’ racism on Facebook. It is the new platforms and modes of racism unique to democratic South Africa which this thesis attempts to explore. Specifically, this study is framed by ‘post-racialism’, a concept developed by scholars globally to capture the suggestion that in liberal democratic societies across the world, racism continues with racial inequality now underpinned by an ideology of colourblindness as opposed to overt policies of segregation. Colourblindness denies the relevance of race as a collective issue, proposing instead that other social factors such as class are more pertinent in considerations of social inequality. The purpose of colourblind narratives may be identified as the reduction of racism to mere individual action, denying systemic white privilege and historical responsibility for reparation as well as preventing racially subjugated groups from critically interrogating racial power and privilege (Goldberg, 2015: 28-30). Post-racial theorists agree that the projection of colourblind politics which claims to no longer ‘see race’ has instead served to secure the normalisation of white privilege and black subjugation (Bonilla-Silva et al, 2004: 559-560). The purported existence of colourblind /post-racial racism and its impact requires exploration in the context of South Africa today. In expanding on the definition of racism, we are able to see that racism is an adaptive system of power that is able to reproduce and reconceptualise itself to changes within society. As modalities of racism have evolved, so have the platforms for its propagation. This research offers social media as a site of exploration for post-racial narratives. The case studies of Penny Sparrow, Helen Zille and Mabel Jansen are presented in this study as exemplars of post-racial liberalism, denial and exclusion. This research calls for the expansion of racial understanding so as to contest racial power structures as a continuing systemic issue in contemporary South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Bell, Joshua
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Social media -- Political aspects -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , South Africa -- In mass media
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/94049 , vital:30995
- Description: This research sets out to examine colourblind racism in contemporary South Africa, specifically, as expressed on social media networks. In South Africa, a nation lauded for its transition from Apartheid to liberal democracy, racism still continues to exist. In the new democracy, racism continues in old, familiar forms but it has been suggested that racism also assumes new and emergent forms such as ‘colourblind’ racism. This is evident in recent controversies involving local public figures and their expressions of ‘soft’, ‘colourblind’ racism on Facebook. It is the new platforms and modes of racism unique to democratic South Africa which this thesis attempts to explore. Specifically, this study is framed by ‘post-racialism’, a concept developed by scholars globally to capture the suggestion that in liberal democratic societies across the world, racism continues with racial inequality now underpinned by an ideology of colourblindness as opposed to overt policies of segregation. Colourblindness denies the relevance of race as a collective issue, proposing instead that other social factors such as class are more pertinent in considerations of social inequality. The purpose of colourblind narratives may be identified as the reduction of racism to mere individual action, denying systemic white privilege and historical responsibility for reparation as well as preventing racially subjugated groups from critically interrogating racial power and privilege (Goldberg, 2015: 28-30). Post-racial theorists agree that the projection of colourblind politics which claims to no longer ‘see race’ has instead served to secure the normalisation of white privilege and black subjugation (Bonilla-Silva et al, 2004: 559-560). The purported existence of colourblind /post-racial racism and its impact requires exploration in the context of South Africa today. In expanding on the definition of racism, we are able to see that racism is an adaptive system of power that is able to reproduce and reconceptualise itself to changes within society. As modalities of racism have evolved, so have the platforms for its propagation. This research offers social media as a site of exploration for post-racial narratives. The case studies of Penny Sparrow, Helen Zille and Mabel Jansen are presented in this study as exemplars of post-racial liberalism, denial and exclusion. This research calls for the expansion of racial understanding so as to contest racial power structures as a continuing systemic issue in contemporary South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Understanding popular resistance to xenophobia in South Africa: ‘people think’ and the possibility of alternative politics
- Authors: Parker, Jemima
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Lazarus, Sylvain -- Political and social views , Political culture -- South Africa , Social change -- South Africa -- Political aspects , Discourse analysis -- South Africa -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Political science -- Philosophy , Political sociology -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115006 , vital:34069
- Description: This thesis is concerned with the crisis of xenophobia in South Africa. It argues, firstly, that xenophobia itself is not primarily a reaction to poverty, inequality, or any other set of social conditions. Rather, xenophobia must be considered to be a collective political discourse which has arisen in post-apartheid South Africa from an exclusionary conception of state nationalism. Where this work may be distinguished from the majority of research on xenophobia in South Africa is in the fact that its particular focus is on instances where ‘ordinary’ South Africans have challenged and resisted xenophobic violence in their communities through collective political mobilisation. I suggest that these sites of resistance deserve careful consideration in their own right. I argue that they may demonstrate a subjective break with the oppressive politics of state nationalism through the affirmation of alternative political conceptions. Drawing on the political theory of Sylvain Lazarus, and his principal thesis that people are capable of thinking politics in ways which can subjectively think beyond the social and the extant (underscored by his political and methodological axiom, people think), this thesis argues that these sites of resistance show that people – and especially those who are considered to be marginalised from the domain of legitimate politics – can and do think politically, and it is in the thought of people that new and potentially emancipatory visions of politics may emerge.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
- Authors: Parker, Jemima
- Date: 2020
- Subjects: Xenophobia -- South Africa , Nationalism -- South Africa , Lazarus, Sylvain -- Political and social views , Political culture -- South Africa , Social change -- South Africa -- Political aspects , Discourse analysis -- South Africa -- Political aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Political science -- Philosophy , Political sociology -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/115006 , vital:34069
- Description: This thesis is concerned with the crisis of xenophobia in South Africa. It argues, firstly, that xenophobia itself is not primarily a reaction to poverty, inequality, or any other set of social conditions. Rather, xenophobia must be considered to be a collective political discourse which has arisen in post-apartheid South Africa from an exclusionary conception of state nationalism. Where this work may be distinguished from the majority of research on xenophobia in South Africa is in the fact that its particular focus is on instances where ‘ordinary’ South Africans have challenged and resisted xenophobic violence in their communities through collective political mobilisation. I suggest that these sites of resistance deserve careful consideration in their own right. I argue that they may demonstrate a subjective break with the oppressive politics of state nationalism through the affirmation of alternative political conceptions. Drawing on the political theory of Sylvain Lazarus, and his principal thesis that people are capable of thinking politics in ways which can subjectively think beyond the social and the extant (underscored by his political and methodological axiom, people think), this thesis argues that these sites of resistance show that people – and especially those who are considered to be marginalised from the domain of legitimate politics – can and do think politically, and it is in the thought of people that new and potentially emancipatory visions of politics may emerge.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2020
Social movements and economic development in post apartheid South Africa: lessons from Latin America
- Authors: Makoni, Tinotenda Charity
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Social movements -- South Africa , Social movements -- Latin America , Economic development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76420 , vital:30561
- Description: The aim of this research is to bring the literature on political agency and economics together in an analysis of whether social movements can play an important role in economic development in post-apartheid South Africa. The entrenched discourse of sluggish growth and high inequality in post-apartheid South Africa can largely be attributed to the political decision to implement a neoliberal economic development orthodoxy. On the one hand, there is an urgent need to shift the economic development model to an alternate developmentalist model. However, no clearly articulated alternative developmental model has emerged. As a result, economically, South Africa is seemingly stuck. On the other hand, the selection of an economic development model and change in macroeconomic policies requires a political shift. Politically, formal politics has assumed the form of neoliberal democracy, characterised by a largely centralised state and the usurpation of the state and institutions by a national bourgeoisie. Social movements have emerged in response to the failure of neoliberalism to fulfil the promises of early post independent periods. They have been largely successful at highlighting the injustices and the inequalities in the country. However their ability to influence structural economic development has come into question. Firstly, social movements and their “politically destabilising distributive demands” have faced repression from the state as the state and institutions are aligned behind the interests of capital under a neoliberal democracy. Secondly, social movements in South Africa have been largely ideologically under-developed. They have been largely fragmented and tended to contest specific single issues rather than aiming to shift the deeper underlying systemic drivers behind the symptomatic immediate discomforts. The economic dimensions of such a shift are particularly unclear. This fragmentation and apparent lack of economic pragmatism make management or suppression of disruptive movements by the state relatively easy. The research uses a contrast between the Latin American social movements against a South African background in order to see what lessons South Africa can draw from social movements in Latin America. The Latin American case is cautiously more positive and provides comparably more sanguine lessons. In this way, this research seeks to construct a more comprehensive framework for the further study of social movements in South Africa and their potential impact on economic development in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
Social movements and economic development in post apartheid South Africa: lessons from Latin America
- Authors: Makoni, Tinotenda Charity
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Social movements -- South Africa , Social movements -- Latin America , Economic development -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MCom
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76420 , vital:30561
- Description: The aim of this research is to bring the literature on political agency and economics together in an analysis of whether social movements can play an important role in economic development in post-apartheid South Africa. The entrenched discourse of sluggish growth and high inequality in post-apartheid South Africa can largely be attributed to the political decision to implement a neoliberal economic development orthodoxy. On the one hand, there is an urgent need to shift the economic development model to an alternate developmentalist model. However, no clearly articulated alternative developmental model has emerged. As a result, economically, South Africa is seemingly stuck. On the other hand, the selection of an economic development model and change in macroeconomic policies requires a political shift. Politically, formal politics has assumed the form of neoliberal democracy, characterised by a largely centralised state and the usurpation of the state and institutions by a national bourgeoisie. Social movements have emerged in response to the failure of neoliberalism to fulfil the promises of early post independent periods. They have been largely successful at highlighting the injustices and the inequalities in the country. However their ability to influence structural economic development has come into question. Firstly, social movements and their “politically destabilising distributive demands” have faced repression from the state as the state and institutions are aligned behind the interests of capital under a neoliberal democracy. Secondly, social movements in South Africa have been largely ideologically under-developed. They have been largely fragmented and tended to contest specific single issues rather than aiming to shift the deeper underlying systemic drivers behind the symptomatic immediate discomforts. The economic dimensions of such a shift are particularly unclear. This fragmentation and apparent lack of economic pragmatism make management or suppression of disruptive movements by the state relatively easy. The research uses a contrast between the Latin American social movements against a South African background in order to see what lessons South Africa can draw from social movements in Latin America. The Latin American case is cautiously more positive and provides comparably more sanguine lessons. In this way, this research seeks to construct a more comprehensive framework for the further study of social movements in South Africa and their potential impact on economic development in South Africa.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
The role of open government data in the repurposing of land administration in postapartheid South Africa : an exploration
- Authors: Manona, Siyabulela Sobantu
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Transparency in government -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa , Qualitative research -- Methodology , Postcolonialism -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994- , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Open Government Data (OGD)
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/178397 , vital:42936 , 10.21504/10962/178397
- Description: Almost three decades after the official end of the apartheid, South Africa has been on a sturdy path that is characterised by deepening spatial economic inequalities. A plethora of policy instruments unleashed since 1994 had not only failed to stem the tide of poverty and inequality, but had deepened them. As part of this, South Africa’s most ambitious social engineering programme – land reform -- had disappointing outcomes. Premised on a view that these apartheid continuities were embedded in South Africa’s land administration system – which was incoherent and fragmented and requiring a systemic overhaul -- the study sought to explore the potential role of Open Government Data (OGD) in the repurposing of land administration system in the post-apartheid South Africa. To achieve this goal, the study was guided by the following objectives: to explore the ontology and the state of land governance and administration in the context of the post-apartheid South Africa; to undertake an evaluation or assessment of South Africa’s land data ecosystem; and to explore the potential role of OGD in the repurposing of land administration system in the postapartheid of South Africa. This study was steeped in qualitative research methods, underpinned by primary and secondary literature review. While the study was primarily pitched on a national scale – the combination of the systems and multiple scales approaches – yielded results which dislodges solutions that are required outside of the domain of a single state. This is one glaring example of land governance complexities that straddle beyond national scale – specifically in respect of new policy trajectories on trans-national boundaries and governance of water resources. Based on the holistic ontology of land, this study concludes that land administration and land governance overarching conceptual orientation -- concerned with land use decisions made by humans at various scales from a praxis and policy perspective –constitute two sides of the same coin, the former steeped towards practice and the latter steeped towards policy. Drawing from decolonial theories the study concludes that land does not only have multiple dimensions, but it also has multiple meanings, in a manner that calls for an ontological shift away from the western ontology, towards an inclusive and holistic conceptualisation. Historiography that is anchored in de-colonial thinking of South Africa’s land governance helps us understand how and why – colonial/apartheid norms acrimoniously found their way into the post-apartheid order -- the post-apartheid institutions of modernity rest on the same hierarchies of identities, classification and pathologisation. The study concludes that, while the colonial/apartheid administration may be gone, it’s underlying power matrices continue -- i.e. capitalism/European/patriachal/white – in a manner which explains the continuities of South Africa’s spatial inequalities and the associated economic inequalities. The organising principle for land relations (including opportunities) continues to be underpinned by gender, race and class, in ways that expose the mythical dimensions of the 'post-apartheid' underbelly. While identifying the need for homogenisation and rationalistion of colonial, apartheid and post-apartheid institutions (on a national scale) that is insufficient for the transformation of the colonial situation of what is in essence a part of the global system, the study advocates for the ‘repurposing of land governance and administration’ – underpinned by de-colonial thinking. Repurposing is seen as political imaginary that would entail uncoupling thought processes and praxis from the colonial matrices of power. The study goes on to conclude that there is a definite role for Open Government Data in repurposing of land administration in the post-apartheid South Africa – as a necessary, though in and of it’s own it is an insufficient condition to achieve that ideal -- but presents an opportunity to enhance transdisciplinarity approaches and efficiencies in internal government functioning and evidence-based decision making and policy formulation processes. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Science, Geography, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
- Authors: Manona, Siyabulela Sobantu
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Transparency in government -- South Africa , Land reform -- South Africa , Qualitative research -- Methodology , Postcolonialism -- South Africa , Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994- , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Open Government Data (OGD)
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/178397 , vital:42936 , 10.21504/10962/178397
- Description: Almost three decades after the official end of the apartheid, South Africa has been on a sturdy path that is characterised by deepening spatial economic inequalities. A plethora of policy instruments unleashed since 1994 had not only failed to stem the tide of poverty and inequality, but had deepened them. As part of this, South Africa’s most ambitious social engineering programme – land reform -- had disappointing outcomes. Premised on a view that these apartheid continuities were embedded in South Africa’s land administration system – which was incoherent and fragmented and requiring a systemic overhaul -- the study sought to explore the potential role of Open Government Data (OGD) in the repurposing of land administration system in the post-apartheid South Africa. To achieve this goal, the study was guided by the following objectives: to explore the ontology and the state of land governance and administration in the context of the post-apartheid South Africa; to undertake an evaluation or assessment of South Africa’s land data ecosystem; and to explore the potential role of OGD in the repurposing of land administration system in the postapartheid of South Africa. This study was steeped in qualitative research methods, underpinned by primary and secondary literature review. While the study was primarily pitched on a national scale – the combination of the systems and multiple scales approaches – yielded results which dislodges solutions that are required outside of the domain of a single state. This is one glaring example of land governance complexities that straddle beyond national scale – specifically in respect of new policy trajectories on trans-national boundaries and governance of water resources. Based on the holistic ontology of land, this study concludes that land administration and land governance overarching conceptual orientation -- concerned with land use decisions made by humans at various scales from a praxis and policy perspective –constitute two sides of the same coin, the former steeped towards practice and the latter steeped towards policy. Drawing from decolonial theories the study concludes that land does not only have multiple dimensions, but it also has multiple meanings, in a manner that calls for an ontological shift away from the western ontology, towards an inclusive and holistic conceptualisation. Historiography that is anchored in de-colonial thinking of South Africa’s land governance helps us understand how and why – colonial/apartheid norms acrimoniously found their way into the post-apartheid order -- the post-apartheid institutions of modernity rest on the same hierarchies of identities, classification and pathologisation. The study concludes that, while the colonial/apartheid administration may be gone, it’s underlying power matrices continue -- i.e. capitalism/European/patriachal/white – in a manner which explains the continuities of South Africa’s spatial inequalities and the associated economic inequalities. The organising principle for land relations (including opportunities) continues to be underpinned by gender, race and class, in ways that expose the mythical dimensions of the 'post-apartheid' underbelly. While identifying the need for homogenisation and rationalistion of colonial, apartheid and post-apartheid institutions (on a national scale) that is insufficient for the transformation of the colonial situation of what is in essence a part of the global system, the study advocates for the ‘repurposing of land governance and administration’ – underpinned by de-colonial thinking. Repurposing is seen as political imaginary that would entail uncoupling thought processes and praxis from the colonial matrices of power. The study goes on to conclude that there is a definite role for Open Government Data in repurposing of land administration in the post-apartheid South Africa – as a necessary, though in and of it’s own it is an insufficient condition to achieve that ideal -- but presents an opportunity to enhance transdisciplinarity approaches and efficiencies in internal government functioning and evidence-based decision making and policy formulation processes. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Science, Geography, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
A double-edged sword : the minimum wage and agrarian labour in the Eastern Cape, South Africa, 2003–2014
- Authors: Naidoo, Lalitha
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Minimum wage -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Labor laws and legislation -- South Africa , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laws and legislation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Work environment -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economics -- Sociological aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/177111 , vital:42791 , 10.21504/10962/177115
- Description: Statutory wage setting and the extension of labour laws to the South African agrarian labour market are path-breaking events that altered the unilateral power which agrarian employers had, under apartheid, to set low wages and harsh employment conditions. Yet, economic sociologists have shown little interest in the agrarian minimum wage in South Africa. Consequently, little to no sociological perspectives are available on the way in which statutory wages shape the setting of actual agrarian wages, employment conditions, labour relations and working and living conditions. At the same time, economic sociology’s neglect of agrarian minimum wages perpetuates the dominance of economics in minimum wage research, as well as the narrow cost-benefit analysis, and firm and employer-centric focus, deployed by both opponents of minimum wages in the neoclassical economics camp and supporters in the heterodox economics camp. The firm-centric focus also applies to the few labour relations scholars who focus on minimum wages. As a result, a wide body of empirical information is available and concentrated in the Global North, on low-waged, urban-based firms’ employment and labour relations strategies with the occasioning of minimum wage laws, with scant to non-existing information on rural-based workers’ experiences in the Global South, at least in the case of South Africa. This thesis addresses the lacuna in existing research, specifically by concentrating on agrarian workers’ narratives of the outcomes of minimum wages on actual wages and conditions, and experiences at the site of production and in the sphere of expanded social reproduction. The conceptual framework of the thesis is rooted in a critical realist meta-theory which directs inquiry towards the search for underlying causes of events with a sensitivity to the interaction of structure and agency, so as to develop explanations of events, which in turn encourage emancipatory thought and praxis. Within this framework, a political economy perspective of the agrarian minimum wage is charted, founded on an inter-disciplinary approach that incorporates economic sociology perspectives, which view markets as socio-political constructs, alongside a Marxist analysis of wages and the distinction between the value of labour and the value of labour power. Also relevant are segmentation labour market models where the focus is on segmentation in labour supply, demand and regulation, and institutional economics that highlights labour’s weak bargaining power in low-waged labour markets. Based on this analytical perspective, the South African agrarian minimum wage is seen as a necessary intervention stemming from post-apartheid uneven neoliberal restructuring processes, to address extremely low agrarian wages that pose threats to the ongoing generation of agrarian labour power. Low agrarian wages are located in unequal power relations in the workplace and are embedded in the totality of the low-waged agrarian labour market, composed of particular features in the supply-side of the labour market (the sphere of social reproduction of labour), the demand-side of the labour market (the site of production), and the forces of regulation (the labour relations regime). The thesis explores new ways of conceptualising minimum wages in the South African context, placing emphasis on the local agrarian labour market, and it highlights the agency of agrarian labour by revealing their struggles, working life and living conditions. In so doing, the research expands inquiry beyond economic “impact” at the level of the firm/employer to examine: (a) workers’ employment trends before and after the minimum wage was introduced, (b) the extent of changes in working and living conditions and labour relations, (c) the scope for workers in animating changes and their struggles and challenges, and (d) shifts in actual wages in relation to prescribed wage rates. Focussing on the aforementioned aspects represents an attempt in this thesis to build on themes, raised in heterodox economics studies, of minimum wages and their relationship to the social devaluation of low-waged work, inequalities in bargaining power, and justice. Based on a stratified sample of workers that included, among other variables, sex, geographical area and agricultural sub-sectors, original data was collected through 52 in-depth interviews, two focus group interviews (comprised of 10 workers), and 501 surveyed workers. The research did not find widespread job losses when minimum wages were introduced, as per neoclassical economics’ predictions. Nor did it find transitions from low- to high-road approaches in employment strategies and labour relations, as claimed by certain heterodox economists. Instead, the findings at the sites of production corroborate the uneven, mixed and contradictory findings of applied heterodox minimum wage studies on employment strategies, labour relations and wage settings. In this light, it is concluded that the agrarian minimum wage had layered outcomes for workers based on key findings, which include: (a) the minimum wage became the maximum wage as actual wages increased and clustered at the prescribed wage rate; (b) a level of gender wage parity close to the level of the prevailing prescribed minimum wage was found, but an overall gendered pattern to low-waged employment surfaced and manifested differently at sub-sector and enterprise levels; (c) though no changes were found in the way work was organised and how workers executed their tasks alongside no fundamental changes in the social relations of production, statutory minimum wages and limitations on working hours did reduce the hours of work and the existence of unpaid overtime work in certain sub-sectors such as livestock and dairy workplaces, through worker and employer initiatives (yet, at the same time, work intensification in compressed working hours appeared in the sample in other worksites, for example citrus workplaces); (d) authoritarian labour relations existed in varying depths and forms, based on sub-sector and enterprise characteristics, which shaped the propensity and scope for worker action; and (e) the layered outcomes of the agrarian minimum wage were felt at the site of social reproduction, where it brought a measure of relief for sampled workers; however, it was chronically inadequate to allow workers to meet their subsistence needs comprehensively. The research findings also highlight sub-sectoral complexities in changing employment and labour relations strategies from low- to high-road approaches in the agrarian sector. The layered outcomes of minimum wages for agrarian workers stems from the combined and uneven amalgamation of pre-existing and new conditions and relations consequent to neoliberalising processes in the agrarian political economy as well as the low minimum wage-setting. The thesis thus argues that the mixed outcomes reflect the layered character of the minimum wage as a conversion factor, which in turn equates to a layered notion of justice. This is because, on the one hand, the minimum wage ameliorates the plight of agrarian labour but, on the other hand, and given the bulwark of authoritarianism, pre-existing conditions and neoliberalising processes, the collective vulnerabilities in the agrarian labour market have expanded and may be intensifying. The agrarian minimum wage acts as a double-edged sword in contexts of mixed and layered outcomes for agrarian labour. A layered perspective of the conversion factor of a minimum wage exposes the possibilities and limitations of statutory wages as a conversion factor, based on context, and identifies the limits and possibilities for worker mobilisation and action. In the case of this research, the agrarian minimum wage deals in limited fashion with the value of labour power because of the initial and subsequent low settings; the minimum wage does not deal with class exploitation and the value of labour, although it sets the frame for instigating basic labour standards. The implications of a layered conversion potential of low minimum wage-settings are profound for conceptualising, theorising and researching the link between statutory wages and justice, with respect to the value of labour power and the value of labour. Future research on the minimum wage based on a Marxist reading of wages and located in real labour markets, strengthens heterodox approaches by deepening theories on the relationship between statutory wages, justice and production. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Department of Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
- Authors: Naidoo, Lalitha
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Minimum wage -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Labor laws and legislation -- South Africa , Agricultural wages -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laborers -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape -- Social conditions , Agricultural laborers -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Agricultural laws and legislation -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Work environment -- South Africa -- Eastern Cape , Economics -- Sociological aspects , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/177111 , vital:42791 , 10.21504/10962/177115
- Description: Statutory wage setting and the extension of labour laws to the South African agrarian labour market are path-breaking events that altered the unilateral power which agrarian employers had, under apartheid, to set low wages and harsh employment conditions. Yet, economic sociologists have shown little interest in the agrarian minimum wage in South Africa. Consequently, little to no sociological perspectives are available on the way in which statutory wages shape the setting of actual agrarian wages, employment conditions, labour relations and working and living conditions. At the same time, economic sociology’s neglect of agrarian minimum wages perpetuates the dominance of economics in minimum wage research, as well as the narrow cost-benefit analysis, and firm and employer-centric focus, deployed by both opponents of minimum wages in the neoclassical economics camp and supporters in the heterodox economics camp. The firm-centric focus also applies to the few labour relations scholars who focus on minimum wages. As a result, a wide body of empirical information is available and concentrated in the Global North, on low-waged, urban-based firms’ employment and labour relations strategies with the occasioning of minimum wage laws, with scant to non-existing information on rural-based workers’ experiences in the Global South, at least in the case of South Africa. This thesis addresses the lacuna in existing research, specifically by concentrating on agrarian workers’ narratives of the outcomes of minimum wages on actual wages and conditions, and experiences at the site of production and in the sphere of expanded social reproduction. The conceptual framework of the thesis is rooted in a critical realist meta-theory which directs inquiry towards the search for underlying causes of events with a sensitivity to the interaction of structure and agency, so as to develop explanations of events, which in turn encourage emancipatory thought and praxis. Within this framework, a political economy perspective of the agrarian minimum wage is charted, founded on an inter-disciplinary approach that incorporates economic sociology perspectives, which view markets as socio-political constructs, alongside a Marxist analysis of wages and the distinction between the value of labour and the value of labour power. Also relevant are segmentation labour market models where the focus is on segmentation in labour supply, demand and regulation, and institutional economics that highlights labour’s weak bargaining power in low-waged labour markets. Based on this analytical perspective, the South African agrarian minimum wage is seen as a necessary intervention stemming from post-apartheid uneven neoliberal restructuring processes, to address extremely low agrarian wages that pose threats to the ongoing generation of agrarian labour power. Low agrarian wages are located in unequal power relations in the workplace and are embedded in the totality of the low-waged agrarian labour market, composed of particular features in the supply-side of the labour market (the sphere of social reproduction of labour), the demand-side of the labour market (the site of production), and the forces of regulation (the labour relations regime). The thesis explores new ways of conceptualising minimum wages in the South African context, placing emphasis on the local agrarian labour market, and it highlights the agency of agrarian labour by revealing their struggles, working life and living conditions. In so doing, the research expands inquiry beyond economic “impact” at the level of the firm/employer to examine: (a) workers’ employment trends before and after the minimum wage was introduced, (b) the extent of changes in working and living conditions and labour relations, (c) the scope for workers in animating changes and their struggles and challenges, and (d) shifts in actual wages in relation to prescribed wage rates. Focussing on the aforementioned aspects represents an attempt in this thesis to build on themes, raised in heterodox economics studies, of minimum wages and their relationship to the social devaluation of low-waged work, inequalities in bargaining power, and justice. Based on a stratified sample of workers that included, among other variables, sex, geographical area and agricultural sub-sectors, original data was collected through 52 in-depth interviews, two focus group interviews (comprised of 10 workers), and 501 surveyed workers. The research did not find widespread job losses when minimum wages were introduced, as per neoclassical economics’ predictions. Nor did it find transitions from low- to high-road approaches in employment strategies and labour relations, as claimed by certain heterodox economists. Instead, the findings at the sites of production corroborate the uneven, mixed and contradictory findings of applied heterodox minimum wage studies on employment strategies, labour relations and wage settings. In this light, it is concluded that the agrarian minimum wage had layered outcomes for workers based on key findings, which include: (a) the minimum wage became the maximum wage as actual wages increased and clustered at the prescribed wage rate; (b) a level of gender wage parity close to the level of the prevailing prescribed minimum wage was found, but an overall gendered pattern to low-waged employment surfaced and manifested differently at sub-sector and enterprise levels; (c) though no changes were found in the way work was organised and how workers executed their tasks alongside no fundamental changes in the social relations of production, statutory minimum wages and limitations on working hours did reduce the hours of work and the existence of unpaid overtime work in certain sub-sectors such as livestock and dairy workplaces, through worker and employer initiatives (yet, at the same time, work intensification in compressed working hours appeared in the sample in other worksites, for example citrus workplaces); (d) authoritarian labour relations existed in varying depths and forms, based on sub-sector and enterprise characteristics, which shaped the propensity and scope for worker action; and (e) the layered outcomes of the agrarian minimum wage were felt at the site of social reproduction, where it brought a measure of relief for sampled workers; however, it was chronically inadequate to allow workers to meet their subsistence needs comprehensively. The research findings also highlight sub-sectoral complexities in changing employment and labour relations strategies from low- to high-road approaches in the agrarian sector. The layered outcomes of minimum wages for agrarian workers stems from the combined and uneven amalgamation of pre-existing and new conditions and relations consequent to neoliberalising processes in the agrarian political economy as well as the low minimum wage-setting. The thesis thus argues that the mixed outcomes reflect the layered character of the minimum wage as a conversion factor, which in turn equates to a layered notion of justice. This is because, on the one hand, the minimum wage ameliorates the plight of agrarian labour but, on the other hand, and given the bulwark of authoritarianism, pre-existing conditions and neoliberalising processes, the collective vulnerabilities in the agrarian labour market have expanded and may be intensifying. The agrarian minimum wage acts as a double-edged sword in contexts of mixed and layered outcomes for agrarian labour. A layered perspective of the conversion factor of a minimum wage exposes the possibilities and limitations of statutory wages as a conversion factor, based on context, and identifies the limits and possibilities for worker mobilisation and action. In the case of this research, the agrarian minimum wage deals in limited fashion with the value of labour power because of the initial and subsequent low settings; the minimum wage does not deal with class exploitation and the value of labour, although it sets the frame for instigating basic labour standards. The implications of a layered conversion potential of low minimum wage-settings are profound for conceptualising, theorising and researching the link between statutory wages and justice, with respect to the value of labour power and the value of labour. Future research on the minimum wage based on a Marxist reading of wages and located in real labour markets, strengthens heterodox approaches by deepening theories on the relationship between statutory wages, justice and production. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Department of Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
Popular politics in the rural Western Cape, South Africa: a case study of Ruiterbos
- Authors: Ghedi Alasow, Jonis
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Political participation -- South Africa -- Cape Town , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Land tenure -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Land use, Rural -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96165 , vital:31246
- Description: This thesis argues that the philosophical foundations upon which human beings have been engaged have, across various schools of thought, made the mistake of presuming that some people are more modern than others. This suggestion is refuted throughout this thesis. To do this, intellectual traditions that take the fundamental rationality of all human beings as an indispensable starting point are engaged to argue for the need to acknowledge that everyone in the ‘now’ is indeed, of the ‘now’. This thesis connects these debates about modernity, rationality and humanity to the contemporary discussions around rural politics with particular reference to Ruiterbos in the Western Cape province of South Africa. By means of detailed empirical and ethnographic research, this thesis illustrates the issues around which people in Ruiterbos are politicised. Via this case study, the a priori assumption that rural politics will necessarily manifest itself only with respect to questions of land and agrarian reform or labour relations is complicated. The two issues around which people in Ruiterbos, during the time of this research, seem to be politicised – housing and education – are surfaced throughout this thesis. The thesis argues that the findings in this case study call for an expansion of the issues that are traditionally considered when the question of rural politics is raised. The often historicist approach that limits the possibilities for politics in rural areas should be suspended for an approach that takes popular politics and political agents in rural areas seriously. The thesis finally argues that the conclusions that are reached with respect to questions of modernity and rural politics ought to be adopted to allow for more detailed and thorough explanations of popular politics in places like Ruiterbos.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
- Authors: Ghedi Alasow, Jonis
- Date: 2019
- Subjects: Political participation -- South Africa -- Cape Town , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Land tenure -- Political aspects -- South Africa , Land use, Rural -- Political aspects -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/96165 , vital:31246
- Description: This thesis argues that the philosophical foundations upon which human beings have been engaged have, across various schools of thought, made the mistake of presuming that some people are more modern than others. This suggestion is refuted throughout this thesis. To do this, intellectual traditions that take the fundamental rationality of all human beings as an indispensable starting point are engaged to argue for the need to acknowledge that everyone in the ‘now’ is indeed, of the ‘now’. This thesis connects these debates about modernity, rationality and humanity to the contemporary discussions around rural politics with particular reference to Ruiterbos in the Western Cape province of South Africa. By means of detailed empirical and ethnographic research, this thesis illustrates the issues around which people in Ruiterbos are politicised. Via this case study, the a priori assumption that rural politics will necessarily manifest itself only with respect to questions of land and agrarian reform or labour relations is complicated. The two issues around which people in Ruiterbos, during the time of this research, seem to be politicised – housing and education – are surfaced throughout this thesis. The thesis argues that the findings in this case study call for an expansion of the issues that are traditionally considered when the question of rural politics is raised. The often historicist approach that limits the possibilities for politics in rural areas should be suspended for an approach that takes popular politics and political agents in rural areas seriously. The thesis finally argues that the conclusions that are reached with respect to questions of modernity and rural politics ought to be adopted to allow for more detailed and thorough explanations of popular politics in places like Ruiterbos.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2019
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