An evaluation of the European community / Kagiso Trust Civic and Advice Centre Programme
- Seekings, Jeremy, Shubane, Khehla, Simon, David Simon
- Authors: Seekings, Jeremy , Shubane, Khehla , Simon, David Simon
- Date: 1993-03
- Subjects: Citizens' associations -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66010 , vital:28876
- Description: This report evaluates the Civic and Advice Centres Programme (CACP) administered by Kagiso Trust (KT) with funds from, primarily, the Commission of the European Communities (CEC). Between 1987 and 1992 over R 13 mn was disbursed through this programme. The authors of this report were appointed by the CEC and KT as consultants in November 1992. This is our final report. This report is the product of an evaluation conducted by the consultants in accordance with Terms of Reference defined by the CEC and KT. As such the report does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of either the CEC or KT. It is important to indicate clearly what this report is and is not. It is a report for the funding organizations - KT and the CEC - on their funding of civics and advice centres. It is not a study of civics and advice centres perse. There are important aspects of the civic movement which are not examined here. Our recommendations are offered to the funding organizations. Neither our analysis nor our recommendations are intended to be prescriptive of or for civics and advice centres. It is up to civics and advice centres to assess their own experiences and to choose their own routes into the post-apartheid future. Our concern here in this report has merely been to point out to the funders how their funds have been used, and how funds might be constructively used in future to further the democratisation of governmental and developmental processes. The consultants are grateful to all of the individuals and organizations who were able to spare time to discuss with us their experiences and perceptions of the CACP. They are too many to name here, but they are listed in Annex B. Our role as consultants has been in part to collate the many incisive comments made to us in our many discussions around the country. There are few suggestions here which have not been made by one or other of our interviewees. We are grateful to the CEC and KT for the assistance they provided. At KT’s head office we have been extensively assisted by Spencer Malongete, Pam Hamese and Muzwandile Lumka. We are grateful also to the staff of the KT regional offices who met with us and helped to schedule appointments with projects. Kagiso Trust organised a reference group for the consultants which on two occasions generously criticised early drafts of the report. It has not been easy to co-ordinate the work of three consultants based in Cape Town, London and Johannesburg. Our research was originally divided on a geographical basis. Jeremy Seekings examined the CACP in Cape Town, the Eastern Cape and Border, and parts of the Orange Free State. Khehla Shubane examined the CACP in the Transvaal and Natal. David Simon conducted research in parts of the Transvaal, Southern Cape, and Cape Town. Most of the sections of the report were drafted by one or other of the consultants, and revised in light of comments from one or both of the other consultants. Jeremy Seekings was primarily responsible for sections 2.4, 3, 4, 5, 7.1 and 8. David Simon was primarily responsible for sections 1, 2.2 and 2.3, 6.6, 7.2 and 7.3, and 10. Jeremy Seekings and David Simon drafted the rest of section 6. Khehla Shubane was primarily responsible for section 9 and the executive summary, and made extensive inputs into sections 3.3 and 5.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993-03
- Authors: Seekings, Jeremy , Shubane, Khehla , Simon, David Simon
- Date: 1993-03
- Subjects: Citizens' associations -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66010 , vital:28876
- Description: This report evaluates the Civic and Advice Centres Programme (CACP) administered by Kagiso Trust (KT) with funds from, primarily, the Commission of the European Communities (CEC). Between 1987 and 1992 over R 13 mn was disbursed through this programme. The authors of this report were appointed by the CEC and KT as consultants in November 1992. This is our final report. This report is the product of an evaluation conducted by the consultants in accordance with Terms of Reference defined by the CEC and KT. As such the report does not necessarily reflect the views or policies of either the CEC or KT. It is important to indicate clearly what this report is and is not. It is a report for the funding organizations - KT and the CEC - on their funding of civics and advice centres. It is not a study of civics and advice centres perse. There are important aspects of the civic movement which are not examined here. Our recommendations are offered to the funding organizations. Neither our analysis nor our recommendations are intended to be prescriptive of or for civics and advice centres. It is up to civics and advice centres to assess their own experiences and to choose their own routes into the post-apartheid future. Our concern here in this report has merely been to point out to the funders how their funds have been used, and how funds might be constructively used in future to further the democratisation of governmental and developmental processes. The consultants are grateful to all of the individuals and organizations who were able to spare time to discuss with us their experiences and perceptions of the CACP. They are too many to name here, but they are listed in Annex B. Our role as consultants has been in part to collate the many incisive comments made to us in our many discussions around the country. There are few suggestions here which have not been made by one or other of our interviewees. We are grateful to the CEC and KT for the assistance they provided. At KT’s head office we have been extensively assisted by Spencer Malongete, Pam Hamese and Muzwandile Lumka. We are grateful also to the staff of the KT regional offices who met with us and helped to schedule appointments with projects. Kagiso Trust organised a reference group for the consultants which on two occasions generously criticised early drafts of the report. It has not been easy to co-ordinate the work of three consultants based in Cape Town, London and Johannesburg. Our research was originally divided on a geographical basis. Jeremy Seekings examined the CACP in Cape Town, the Eastern Cape and Border, and parts of the Orange Free State. Khehla Shubane examined the CACP in the Transvaal and Natal. David Simon conducted research in parts of the Transvaal, Southern Cape, and Cape Town. Most of the sections of the report were drafted by one or other of the consultants, and revised in light of comments from one or both of the other consultants. Jeremy Seekings was primarily responsible for sections 2.4, 3, 4, 5, 7.1 and 8. David Simon was primarily responsible for sections 1, 2.2 and 2.3, 6.6, 7.2 and 7.3, and 10. Jeremy Seekings and David Simon drafted the rest of section 6. Khehla Shubane was primarily responsible for section 9 and the executive summary, and made extensive inputs into sections 3.3 and 5.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1993-03
Cognitive justice and environmental learning in South African social movements
- Authors: Burt, Jane Caroline
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Transformative learning , Water security -- South Africa , Environmental education -- South Africa , EEASA (Organization) , Civil society -- South Africa , Water justice , Cognitive justice
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/174437 , vital:42477 , http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/10962/174437
- Description: This thesis by publication is an applied study into transformative learning as an emancipatory practice for water justice. It is guided by the core research question: How can cognitively just learning be an activist practice in social movements working towards water justice? To address this question, I use the applied critical realist approach which makes use of three moments of moral reasoning which are very similar to the approach adopted in the learning intervention that is the focus of this research. These three moments are: Diagnose, Explain, Act – sometimes known as the DEA model (Bhaskar, 2008, 243; Munnik & Price, 2015). The research object is the Changing Practice course for community-based environmental and social movements. The course was developed and studied over seven years, starting from the reflexive scholarship of environmental learning in South Africa, particularly the adult learning model of working together/working away developed through the Environmental Education Association of Southern Africa in partnership with the Environmental Learning Research Centre at Rhodes University (Lotz-Sisitka & Raven, 2004). We (the facilitators/educators) ran the Changing Practice course three times (2012-2014; 2014-2016; 2016-2018), in which I generated substantive data which forms the empirical base on which this study was developed. We found the concept of cognitive justice (Visvanathan, 2005; de Sousa Santos, 2016) to be a powerful mobilizing concept with which to carry out emancipatory research and learning, in three ways. First, it brought together a group of researchers, activists and practitioners from different organizations to work on how to strengthen the role of civil society in monitoring government water policy and practice (Wilson et al., 2016). Second, within the Changing Practice course itself, it became a principle for guiding learning design and pedagogy as well as a way of engaging in dialogue with the participants around the politics of knowledge, exclusion and inclusion in knowledge production, systems of oppression and multiple knowledges (Wilson et al., 2016; Burt et al., 2018). Thirdly, the participants’ change projects (the applied projects undertaken during the ‘working away’ phase between course modules), allowed participants to draw on different knowledge systems, which they learnt to do in the ‘working together’ modules, and to address cognitive justice concerns linked to environmental justice. The change projects also challenged our learning pedagogy by raising contradictions in the course’s approach to learning that needed to be transformed in order for our pedagogy to be more cognitively just. Throughout this thesis I argue that the work of cognitive justice deepens the connections between people, institutions and structures, particularly in relation to transformative learning. Our intention was to identify and critique structures and ideologies that perpetuated oppressive relations, and then to identify and enact the work needed towards transforming these relations. This is why I often refer to cognitive justice as a solidarity and mobilizing concept, and I use the term cognitive justice praxis to mean the reflection and actions that are needed to enact cognitive just learning. The facilitators and participants of the Changing Practice course worked to remove the layered effects of oppression both in the practice of water justice and in the learning process itself. We worked, however imperfectly, with a caring, collectively-held ethic towards each other and the world. Using the DEA model I applied the critical realist dialectic to analyse contradictions and generate explanations through four articles as reflexive writing projects (See Part 2 of this thesis). I used the critical realist dialectic both to reveal contradictions, investigate how these contradictions have come to be, and to generate alternative explanations and action to absent them. Through this research I identified four essential mechanisms for cognitively just environmental learning: care work, co-learning, reflexivity and an interdisciplinary approach to learning scholarship as learning praxis. The essential elements that made the Changing Practice course so effective were the working together/working away design, the encouraging of participants to make the change project something they were passionate about, and the situating and grounding of the Changing Practice course within a social movement network. We were able to show that for academic scholarship to contribute meaningfully to cognitively just learning praxis, it needs to be collaborative and reflexive, and start from the embodied historical and contextual experience of learning as experienced and understood by participants on the course. This demanded an interdisciplinary approach to work with contradictions in learning practice, one that could take into consideration different knowledges and knowledge practices beyond professional disciplines. Both social movement communities and scholarly communities have valuable knowledge to offer each other. As argued in article one, rather than a lack of knowledge, what more often limits our emancipatory action are factors that prevent us from coming closer together. (Burt et al, 2018) This research revealed that social movement learning towards water justice is multi-level care work, the four levels being: individual psychology, our relations with others, our relations with structures such as our social movements, and our relations with the planet. When such care work attains self- reflexivity, practice-reflexivity, co-learning and collective scholarship, it is able to absent the contradictions that inhibit cognitive justice. This thesis is a record of our attempts to learn how to achieve this.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
- Authors: Burt, Jane Caroline
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Transformative learning , Water security -- South Africa , Environmental education -- South Africa , EEASA (Organization) , Civil society -- South Africa , Water justice , Cognitive justice
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/174437 , vital:42477 , http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/10962/174437
- Description: This thesis by publication is an applied study into transformative learning as an emancipatory practice for water justice. It is guided by the core research question: How can cognitively just learning be an activist practice in social movements working towards water justice? To address this question, I use the applied critical realist approach which makes use of three moments of moral reasoning which are very similar to the approach adopted in the learning intervention that is the focus of this research. These three moments are: Diagnose, Explain, Act – sometimes known as the DEA model (Bhaskar, 2008, 243; Munnik & Price, 2015). The research object is the Changing Practice course for community-based environmental and social movements. The course was developed and studied over seven years, starting from the reflexive scholarship of environmental learning in South Africa, particularly the adult learning model of working together/working away developed through the Environmental Education Association of Southern Africa in partnership with the Environmental Learning Research Centre at Rhodes University (Lotz-Sisitka & Raven, 2004). We (the facilitators/educators) ran the Changing Practice course three times (2012-2014; 2014-2016; 2016-2018), in which I generated substantive data which forms the empirical base on which this study was developed. We found the concept of cognitive justice (Visvanathan, 2005; de Sousa Santos, 2016) to be a powerful mobilizing concept with which to carry out emancipatory research and learning, in three ways. First, it brought together a group of researchers, activists and practitioners from different organizations to work on how to strengthen the role of civil society in monitoring government water policy and practice (Wilson et al., 2016). Second, within the Changing Practice course itself, it became a principle for guiding learning design and pedagogy as well as a way of engaging in dialogue with the participants around the politics of knowledge, exclusion and inclusion in knowledge production, systems of oppression and multiple knowledges (Wilson et al., 2016; Burt et al., 2018). Thirdly, the participants’ change projects (the applied projects undertaken during the ‘working away’ phase between course modules), allowed participants to draw on different knowledge systems, which they learnt to do in the ‘working together’ modules, and to address cognitive justice concerns linked to environmental justice. The change projects also challenged our learning pedagogy by raising contradictions in the course’s approach to learning that needed to be transformed in order for our pedagogy to be more cognitively just. Throughout this thesis I argue that the work of cognitive justice deepens the connections between people, institutions and structures, particularly in relation to transformative learning. Our intention was to identify and critique structures and ideologies that perpetuated oppressive relations, and then to identify and enact the work needed towards transforming these relations. This is why I often refer to cognitive justice as a solidarity and mobilizing concept, and I use the term cognitive justice praxis to mean the reflection and actions that are needed to enact cognitive just learning. The facilitators and participants of the Changing Practice course worked to remove the layered effects of oppression both in the practice of water justice and in the learning process itself. We worked, however imperfectly, with a caring, collectively-held ethic towards each other and the world. Using the DEA model I applied the critical realist dialectic to analyse contradictions and generate explanations through four articles as reflexive writing projects (See Part 2 of this thesis). I used the critical realist dialectic both to reveal contradictions, investigate how these contradictions have come to be, and to generate alternative explanations and action to absent them. Through this research I identified four essential mechanisms for cognitively just environmental learning: care work, co-learning, reflexivity and an interdisciplinary approach to learning scholarship as learning praxis. The essential elements that made the Changing Practice course so effective were the working together/working away design, the encouraging of participants to make the change project something they were passionate about, and the situating and grounding of the Changing Practice course within a social movement network. We were able to show that for academic scholarship to contribute meaningfully to cognitively just learning praxis, it needs to be collaborative and reflexive, and start from the embodied historical and contextual experience of learning as experienced and understood by participants on the course. This demanded an interdisciplinary approach to work with contradictions in learning practice, one that could take into consideration different knowledges and knowledge practices beyond professional disciplines. Both social movement communities and scholarly communities have valuable knowledge to offer each other. As argued in article one, rather than a lack of knowledge, what more often limits our emancipatory action are factors that prevent us from coming closer together. (Burt et al, 2018) This research revealed that social movement learning towards water justice is multi-level care work, the four levels being: individual psychology, our relations with others, our relations with structures such as our social movements, and our relations with the planet. When such care work attains self- reflexivity, practice-reflexivity, co-learning and collective scholarship, it is able to absent the contradictions that inhibit cognitive justice. This thesis is a record of our attempts to learn how to achieve this.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa
- Authors: Stinson, Andrew Todd
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Nationalism -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Ethnicity -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042
- Description: Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
- Authors: Stinson, Andrew Todd
- Date: 2009
- Subjects: Post-apartheid era -- South Africa , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Nationalism -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Democracy -- South Africa , South Africa -- Social policy , Ethnicity -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- , South Africa -- Social conditions -- 1994-
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: vital:2832 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042
- Description: Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2009
Structural relationships between government and civil society organisations
- Authors: Advisory Committee
- Date: 1997-03
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Economic development projects -- South Africa , Social development planning -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65958 , vital:28865
- Description: 1. BACKGROUND 1.1 The key aspects on which the Committee was charged to advise the Deputy President on were: • the appropriate and functional relationships that could be evolved between government and organs of civil society with respect to the provision of capacity for the implementation of the RDP; • the feasibility of an appropriate funding mechanism that would enable a co-ordinated approach to the funding of civil society organisations, the relationships of such a mechanism with current development funding players and other transitional mechanisms; • a mechanism to promote a sustainable partnership between these organisations with government. KEY FINDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE After careful consideration of all pertinent factors, the Committee established that: 2. 1 In spite of broad support for the RDP, there is no coordinated approach to tackling poverty. Government has been able to attract aid and has not found it easy to use such large funding owing to processes of change management and the processes of setting up local government infrastructures. Concomitant with these issues is the lack of management skills at the Government levels. 2. 2 Organs of civil society involved in development work in South Africa remain a rich inheritance for the Government of National Unity. These institutions, generally referred to as Community Based Organisations (CBOs) or Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) span a wide variety of the development landscape. These organs of Civil Society seek to fuel the development agenda of South Africa through participation in the RDP, but have often found themselves frustrated by the lack of clear policy and connecting points with Government in general. 2. 3 Experience from other countries show that the role of CSOs in development and the sustenance of democracy is a key feature of advanced democracies. Foreign research proved that cooperation between CSOs and various tiers government has often produced positive results. Owing to their affinity, empathy and proximity to the broader populace CSOs have always proved to be effective in meeting the basic needs of the population they serve. 2. 4 The initial energizing force for development which broadly funded the CSO sector has transformed. Local development funding institutions have developed a new focus and business approach. The Kagiso Trust and the IDT are gearing themselves to operate as development implementation institutions as against solely the funding of development and the facilitation of funding for development initiatives. 2. 5 Foreign aid funding, money which was historically marked for CSOs, is largely being directly channeled to Government. This source of funding has progressively declined since the 1994 elections. Indications are that this pattern is likely to continue as erstwhile traditional International Aid donors prefer bilateral funding arrangements with government. Corporate grant funding which in any case has always been limited to the CSO sector will continue to flow to corporate programmes and will remain a significant factor to this sector. 2. 6 Development CSOs operate within a restrictive environment in respect of taxation and registration. 2.7 There is broad and significant support for a positive structural relationship and a coordinated funding mechanism between CSOs and Government to promote the objectives and principles of the RDP. 2.8 The need to establish a channel of communication between CSOs and government. Through this mechanism, government and CSOs would be able to agree on RDP and development. , Prepared for the Deputy President the Honorable Mr Thabo Mbeki
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997-03
- Authors: Advisory Committee
- Date: 1997-03
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Economic development projects -- South Africa , Social development planning -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65958 , vital:28865
- Description: 1. BACKGROUND 1.1 The key aspects on which the Committee was charged to advise the Deputy President on were: • the appropriate and functional relationships that could be evolved between government and organs of civil society with respect to the provision of capacity for the implementation of the RDP; • the feasibility of an appropriate funding mechanism that would enable a co-ordinated approach to the funding of civil society organisations, the relationships of such a mechanism with current development funding players and other transitional mechanisms; • a mechanism to promote a sustainable partnership between these organisations with government. KEY FINDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE After careful consideration of all pertinent factors, the Committee established that: 2. 1 In spite of broad support for the RDP, there is no coordinated approach to tackling poverty. Government has been able to attract aid and has not found it easy to use such large funding owing to processes of change management and the processes of setting up local government infrastructures. Concomitant with these issues is the lack of management skills at the Government levels. 2. 2 Organs of civil society involved in development work in South Africa remain a rich inheritance for the Government of National Unity. These institutions, generally referred to as Community Based Organisations (CBOs) or Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) span a wide variety of the development landscape. These organs of Civil Society seek to fuel the development agenda of South Africa through participation in the RDP, but have often found themselves frustrated by the lack of clear policy and connecting points with Government in general. 2. 3 Experience from other countries show that the role of CSOs in development and the sustenance of democracy is a key feature of advanced democracies. Foreign research proved that cooperation between CSOs and various tiers government has often produced positive results. Owing to their affinity, empathy and proximity to the broader populace CSOs have always proved to be effective in meeting the basic needs of the population they serve. 2. 4 The initial energizing force for development which broadly funded the CSO sector has transformed. Local development funding institutions have developed a new focus and business approach. The Kagiso Trust and the IDT are gearing themselves to operate as development implementation institutions as against solely the funding of development and the facilitation of funding for development initiatives. 2. 5 Foreign aid funding, money which was historically marked for CSOs, is largely being directly channeled to Government. This source of funding has progressively declined since the 1994 elections. Indications are that this pattern is likely to continue as erstwhile traditional International Aid donors prefer bilateral funding arrangements with government. Corporate grant funding which in any case has always been limited to the CSO sector will continue to flow to corporate programmes and will remain a significant factor to this sector. 2. 6 Development CSOs operate within a restrictive environment in respect of taxation and registration. 2.7 There is broad and significant support for a positive structural relationship and a coordinated funding mechanism between CSOs and Government to promote the objectives and principles of the RDP. 2.8 The need to establish a channel of communication between CSOs and government. Through this mechanism, government and CSOs would be able to agree on RDP and development. , Prepared for the Deputy President the Honorable Mr Thabo Mbeki
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 1997-03
The role of civil society in advancing education rights : the case of Gadra Education, Grahamstown, South Africa
- Authors: Msindo, Esteri Makotore
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Gadra Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Right to education -- South Africa , State departments of education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa , Social justice -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Social contract
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3392 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016500
- Description: This thesis has identified and analysed the role of an NGO called Gadra Education in advancing education rights to the less advantaged people of Grahamstown in South Africa. Gadra Education’s role has been identified as twofold. Firstly as an educational NGO, Gadra Education’s initiatives directly impact on the lives of the less economically and socially privileged learners who, due to their previous learning environment in state schools, do not achieve academic results that ensure entry into tertiary level. Secondly its role is identified in its nature as an organisation that emerged due to the deficiencies in the state schooling system. It therefore stands de facto as a critical institution for critique of the state’s education system. The thesis concludes that without confronting the Department of Education or collaborating with it, Gadra Education offers a significant alternative approach which can potentially influence the state to improve the state schooling system. Its strategy of non-confrontation to the state, informal and non-corporatist is advantageous as an NGO that focuses on the actual provision of education. It focuses on instilling Ubuntu values of sharing and giving that are of critical significance in teaching and learning. The context of the thesis is located broadly within socio-economic rights and specifically on education rights. In South Africa where the state has not adequately met the educational obligations for the economically and socially less privileged citizens, the emergence of educational NGOs that focus on providing education to the poor is of vital importance. Although other NGOs that confront the state are important in pushing the state to deliver especially on school infrastructure, teacher deployment and other educational challenges, Gadra Education model ensures academic success for the learner. Lessons can be drawn from Gadra Education which can be potentially useful to state schools and other NGOs that seek to advance education rights to disadvantaged communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
- Authors: Msindo, Esteri Makotore
- Date: 2015
- Subjects: Gadra Education (Grahamstown, South Africa) , Right to education -- South Africa , State departments of education -- South Africa , Educational change -- South Africa , Social justice -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Social contract
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSocSc
- Identifier: vital:3392 , http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016500
- Description: This thesis has identified and analysed the role of an NGO called Gadra Education in advancing education rights to the less advantaged people of Grahamstown in South Africa. Gadra Education’s role has been identified as twofold. Firstly as an educational NGO, Gadra Education’s initiatives directly impact on the lives of the less economically and socially privileged learners who, due to their previous learning environment in state schools, do not achieve academic results that ensure entry into tertiary level. Secondly its role is identified in its nature as an organisation that emerged due to the deficiencies in the state schooling system. It therefore stands de facto as a critical institution for critique of the state’s education system. The thesis concludes that without confronting the Department of Education or collaborating with it, Gadra Education offers a significant alternative approach which can potentially influence the state to improve the state schooling system. Its strategy of non-confrontation to the state, informal and non-corporatist is advantageous as an NGO that focuses on the actual provision of education. It focuses on instilling Ubuntu values of sharing and giving that are of critical significance in teaching and learning. The context of the thesis is located broadly within socio-economic rights and specifically on education rights. In South Africa where the state has not adequately met the educational obligations for the economically and socially less privileged citizens, the emergence of educational NGOs that focus on providing education to the poor is of vital importance. Although other NGOs that confront the state are important in pushing the state to deliver especially on school infrastructure, teacher deployment and other educational challenges, Gadra Education model ensures academic success for the learner. Lessons can be drawn from Gadra Education which can be potentially useful to state schools and other NGOs that seek to advance education rights to disadvantaged communities.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2015
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