The Influence of Clientelism on the Informal Sector in Zimbabwe : a Case Study of Glen View 8 Complex, Harare
- Authors: Tandire, Justin
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Patron and client -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Informal sector (Economics) -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Informal sector (Economics) -- Political aspects -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Patronage, Political -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe -- Social conditions , Glen View Complex 8 (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/177986 , vital:42896 , 10.21504/10962/177986
- Description: This study focuses on the influence of clientelism in the informal sector of Zimbabwe in Glen View 8 (Complex). The study used the case of Glen view 8 (complex) in Harare Province. The study focused on political dynamics in the informal sector; livelihood strategies employed by informal sector operators; manifestation of “Big Men”, social networks in the informal sector; and different strategies employed by operators to overcome the problems of political manipulation, clientelism and patronage. It employs a qualitative research methodology to enable a nuanced comprehension of the clientelistic relationships that take place in the informal sector of Zimbabwe. Through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, narratives and in-depth interviews with key informants, the study explored the clientelistic nature of the informal sector. The major findings of the study are that the informal sector in Zimbabwe is influenced by political patronage. It was established that patronage influences the informal sector in Zimbabwe in general and at Glen View Complex 8 in particular. Some of the operators revealed that patronage negatively affects their business as they are sometimes forced to attend political party meetings either at the complex or at ZANU-PF star rallies in town. The operators experience a plethora of problems such as lack of security, poor sanitation, stiff competition, poor infrastructure, lack of insurance and fire outbreaks. It has been revealed that most of the problems experienced at the complex are a result of the politicisation of the informal sector particularly by the ZANU-PF party. Operators at the complex have described the politicisation of the informal sector as a major drawback to their efforts of realising maximum benefits from their work. Therefore, the thrust of this thesis is premised on the de-politicisation of the informal sector as the starting point in the transformation of the activities of the operators. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
- Authors: Tandire, Justin
- Date: 2021-04
- Subjects: Patron and client -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Informal sector (Economics) -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Informal sector (Economics) -- Political aspects -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , Patronage, Political -- Zimbabwe -- Harare , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe -- Social conditions , Glen View Complex 8 (Zimbabwe)
- Language: English
- Type: thesis , text , Doctoral , PhD
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/177986 , vital:42896 , 10.21504/10962/177986
- Description: This study focuses on the influence of clientelism in the informal sector of Zimbabwe in Glen View 8 (Complex). The study used the case of Glen view 8 (complex) in Harare Province. The study focused on political dynamics in the informal sector; livelihood strategies employed by informal sector operators; manifestation of “Big Men”, social networks in the informal sector; and different strategies employed by operators to overcome the problems of political manipulation, clientelism and patronage. It employs a qualitative research methodology to enable a nuanced comprehension of the clientelistic relationships that take place in the informal sector of Zimbabwe. Through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, narratives and in-depth interviews with key informants, the study explored the clientelistic nature of the informal sector. The major findings of the study are that the informal sector in Zimbabwe is influenced by political patronage. It was established that patronage influences the informal sector in Zimbabwe in general and at Glen View Complex 8 in particular. Some of the operators revealed that patronage negatively affects their business as they are sometimes forced to attend political party meetings either at the complex or at ZANU-PF star rallies in town. The operators experience a plethora of problems such as lack of security, poor sanitation, stiff competition, poor infrastructure, lack of insurance and fire outbreaks. It has been revealed that most of the problems experienced at the complex are a result of the politicisation of the informal sector particularly by the ZANU-PF party. Operators at the complex have described the politicisation of the informal sector as a major drawback to their efforts of realising maximum benefits from their work. Therefore, the thrust of this thesis is premised on the de-politicisation of the informal sector as the starting point in the transformation of the activities of the operators. , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, Sociology, 2021
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2021-04
Youth, political violence and ZANU-PF politics in Zimbabwe, c.1950-2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2022-10-14
- Subjects: Youth protest movements Zimbabwe , Political violence Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Agent (Philosophy) , Zimbabwe Politics and government , Zimbabwe History
- Language: English
- Type: Academic theses , Doctoral theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/365966 , vital:65806 , DOI https://doi.org/10.21504/10962/365966
- Description: This study is a socio-political aspect of Zimbabwean history. It examines the development of youth political violence starting from the late 1950s when violent forms of African political mobilisation emerged to 2018 when the first election without Robert Mugabe was held. It explores how early nationalist parties such as the Salisbury City Youth League (SCYL), Southern Rhodesia African National Congress (SRANC), National Democratic Party (NDP), Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and later the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) mobilised and socialised youths into political violence to understand the roots of the violent political culture in Zimbabwe. This study shows that youths were an important part of the strategies of these political parties in countering the violence of the colonial state as well as mobilising mass support for the movements during the liberation struggle. It reveals that war collaborators (mujibhas and chimbwidos) were central role players in instigating political violence against innocent and defenceless people during the war. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Youth brigades and the ZANU-PF Youth League became a key constituent for state-socialist developmental goals but they were at times manipulated as a resource for political violence when Mugabe’s power was challenged. The study shows that more grotesque violence occurred in the 2000s era when the National Youth Service (NYS) was introduced and state-sanctioned vigilante groups like Chipangano in Mbare emerged in response to the rise of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and diminishing of consensual power. This study argues that youth were not mere victims and perpetrators of political violence, but they were a collection of various interest sub-groups with diverse agendas and a sense of agency. Some joined violent groups for their social mobility, power, impunity and economic opportunities availed to the group members. Data for this study was drawn from Mbare and Highfields (in Harare Province) and Uzumba-Maramba-Pfungwe (in Mashonaland East Province). , Thesis (PhD) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2022
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2022-10-14
Chipangano: vigilantism and community responses in Mbare District, Zimbabwe, c.2000-2013
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe History 1980- , Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare Public opinion , Collective memory Zimbabwe Mbare
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62126 , vital:28130
- Description: This study examines an aspect of Zimbabwe’s political history, namely the emergence and operations of Chipangano vigilante group in Mbare (2000-2013) and how the community responded to the scourges of this vigilante group. This study shows that Chipangano, which means a pact, was formed with the intention to extend ZANU-PF patronage system, canvassing support and regain control of Mbare district from the MDC. The group consolidated itself as a shadow militia group for ZANU-PF that intimidated the opposition parties and coerced the general populace to attend ZANU-PF functions. It also shows that the vigilante group seized Harare City Council’s duties, such as collecting gate-takings from local and long distance public transport at Mbare Bus Terminal; controlling allocations of market stalls and collecting rents from market stalls, for personal benefits. The group also politicised the access to local state property. Chipangano’s collusion with ZANU-PF and state structures licensed it to engage in criminal activities with impunity, thus this thesis seeks to understand the relationship between the vigilantes, ZANU-PF and state structures. The activities of Chipangano such as abduction, intimidation, beatings, killings and displacement of people resulted in social trauma. This thesis will also explore how this phase of violence is remembered today by the research informants. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2018
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Munyarari, Tinashe
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Zimbabwe History 1980- , Vigilantism Zimbabwe Mbare Public opinion , Collective memory Zimbabwe Mbare
- Language: English
- Type: Master's theses , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/62126 , vital:28130
- Description: This study examines an aspect of Zimbabwe’s political history, namely the emergence and operations of Chipangano vigilante group in Mbare (2000-2013) and how the community responded to the scourges of this vigilante group. This study shows that Chipangano, which means a pact, was formed with the intention to extend ZANU-PF patronage system, canvassing support and regain control of Mbare district from the MDC. The group consolidated itself as a shadow militia group for ZANU-PF that intimidated the opposition parties and coerced the general populace to attend ZANU-PF functions. It also shows that the vigilante group seized Harare City Council’s duties, such as collecting gate-takings from local and long distance public transport at Mbare Bus Terminal; controlling allocations of market stalls and collecting rents from market stalls, for personal benefits. The group also politicised the access to local state property. Chipangano’s collusion with ZANU-PF and state structures licensed it to engage in criminal activities with impunity, thus this thesis seeks to understand the relationship between the vigilantes, ZANU-PF and state structures. The activities of Chipangano such as abduction, intimidation, beatings, killings and displacement of people resulted in social trauma. This thesis will also explore how this phase of violence is remembered today by the research informants. , Thesis (MA) -- Faculty of Humanities, History, 2018
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
The power of mysticism: understanding political support for President Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe
- Manzira, Rufaro Coucou Annette
- Authors: Manzira, Rufaro Coucou Annette
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Mysticism -- Psychology , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Mugabe, Robert Gabriel, 1924-2019 , Allegiance -- Zimbabwe , Political capital -- Zimbabwe , Political psychology -- Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Apotheosis , Zimbabwe -- Kings and rulers -- Religious aspects
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63693 , vital:28472
- Description: Significant debate exists within Zimbabwean studies about the basis for which people support on an ongoing basis the ruling Zimbabweans African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) under the leadership of Robert Mugabe. In academic literature, the party and state president (Mugabe) is typically seen as an oppressor such that any support for Mugabe is understood based on compulsion rather than consent. Genuine support for the ruling party though implies that Mugabe is a liberator. In drawing upon Zimbabwean academic literature which seeks to understand why Mugabe might be understood as a liberator, this thesis seeks to provide an innovative sociological analysis focusing on the mysticism surrounding the person and ruler-ship of Mugabe. The mysticism portrays Mugabe as being blessed by the ancestors and spirits, as having divine and sage-like qualities, as speaking for the bones of the dead heroes, and as acting as a modern day national chief who cares for his national subjects and defends his chiefdom against enemies from within or without. This portrait of Mugabe resonates with many Zimbabweans as it speaks to their everyday experiences and their longings for nation-building and national belonging. Hence, it should not be strictly understood as a ruling party ideology foisted upon citizens as a means of political deception. This is explored through interviews with a small number of ZANU-PF supporters.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Manzira, Rufaro Coucou Annette
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: Mysticism -- Psychology , Zimbabwe -- Politics and government -- 1980- , Mugabe, Robert Gabriel, 1924-2019 , Allegiance -- Zimbabwe , Political capital -- Zimbabwe , Political psychology -- Zimbabwe , ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Apotheosis , Zimbabwe -- Kings and rulers -- Religious aspects
- Language: English
- Type: text , Thesis , Masters , MA
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/63693 , vital:28472
- Description: Significant debate exists within Zimbabwean studies about the basis for which people support on an ongoing basis the ruling Zimbabweans African National Union- Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) under the leadership of Robert Mugabe. In academic literature, the party and state president (Mugabe) is typically seen as an oppressor such that any support for Mugabe is understood based on compulsion rather than consent. Genuine support for the ruling party though implies that Mugabe is a liberator. In drawing upon Zimbabwean academic literature which seeks to understand why Mugabe might be understood as a liberator, this thesis seeks to provide an innovative sociological analysis focusing on the mysticism surrounding the person and ruler-ship of Mugabe. The mysticism portrays Mugabe as being blessed by the ancestors and spirits, as having divine and sage-like qualities, as speaking for the bones of the dead heroes, and as acting as a modern day national chief who cares for his national subjects and defends his chiefdom against enemies from within or without. This portrait of Mugabe resonates with many Zimbabweans as it speaks to their everyday experiences and their longings for nation-building and national belonging. Hence, it should not be strictly understood as a ruling party ideology foisted upon citizens as a means of political deception. This is explored through interviews with a small number of ZANU-PF supporters.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
Understanding the role of the media in Zimbabwe African Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) factional fights and the representations of the Lacoste faction in Zimbabwe public discourses
- Mauswa, Desmond Tagara Tavengwa
- Authors: Mauswa, Desmond Tagara Tavengwa
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Political parties , Mass media
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/12582 , vital:39290
- Description: This thesis sought to critically examine the origins, nature and impact of ZANU PF factionalist tendencies and how a particular faction headed by former Vice President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa was represented in Zimbabwean public discourses. Drawing from comparative politics, history, media studies and Zimbabwean current affairs, this interdisciplinary narrative detailed how the new media played a central role in precipitating factional implosion in the liberation war based political party (ZANU PF). Clearly, ZANU PF internecine conflicts in and outside the state controlled and new media had far-reaching socio-economic and political ramifications as rival ZANU PF factions resorted to dirty strategies and tactics to try and weaken and outwit each other. These political machinations took the form of slandering, use of hate speech, dissemination of fake news, assassinations and poisoning among others. As the battle for factional supremacy raged on, the Zimbabwean economy continued on a downward spiral due to inter alia policy contradictions and uncertainty but at the end, November 2017 saw Mugabe being unexpectedly deposed in a coup after 37 years in power. This study went on to identify a number of factors that were working against Mugabe’s patient and heir apparent – Mnangagwa, as he sought to take over the reins of power. These included inter alia the presence and close proximity of the G40 faction linked to the first family but opposing the former vice president, his tainted political record as a result of his involvement in the Matabeleland massacre of the Ndebele ethnic group in the 1980s, allegedly masterminding and engineering electoral fraud in 2008 and having been Mugabe's right hand man for almost four decades. On the other hand, findings from this study suggest that Mnangagwa’s liberation war credentials and his close association with the military and the war veterans played a pivotal role in assisting him to land the presidency following Mugabe’s forced resignation or what was defined by many as a coup. While the Lacoste faction eventually prevailed over their G40 rivals, the study concluded that ZANU PF factionalism negatively impacted on governmental decisions, policies and systems and the aftermath of the military coup continues to pose serious challenges to Zimbabwe’s political future however defined.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
- Authors: Mauswa, Desmond Tagara Tavengwa
- Date: 2018
- Subjects: ZANU-PF (Organization : Zimbabwe) , Political parties , Mass media
- Language: English
- Type: Thesis , Masters , MSoc
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10353/12582 , vital:39290
- Description: This thesis sought to critically examine the origins, nature and impact of ZANU PF factionalist tendencies and how a particular faction headed by former Vice President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa was represented in Zimbabwean public discourses. Drawing from comparative politics, history, media studies and Zimbabwean current affairs, this interdisciplinary narrative detailed how the new media played a central role in precipitating factional implosion in the liberation war based political party (ZANU PF). Clearly, ZANU PF internecine conflicts in and outside the state controlled and new media had far-reaching socio-economic and political ramifications as rival ZANU PF factions resorted to dirty strategies and tactics to try and weaken and outwit each other. These political machinations took the form of slandering, use of hate speech, dissemination of fake news, assassinations and poisoning among others. As the battle for factional supremacy raged on, the Zimbabwean economy continued on a downward spiral due to inter alia policy contradictions and uncertainty but at the end, November 2017 saw Mugabe being unexpectedly deposed in a coup after 37 years in power. This study went on to identify a number of factors that were working against Mugabe’s patient and heir apparent – Mnangagwa, as he sought to take over the reins of power. These included inter alia the presence and close proximity of the G40 faction linked to the first family but opposing the former vice president, his tainted political record as a result of his involvement in the Matabeleland massacre of the Ndebele ethnic group in the 1980s, allegedly masterminding and engineering electoral fraud in 2008 and having been Mugabe's right hand man for almost four decades. On the other hand, findings from this study suggest that Mnangagwa’s liberation war credentials and his close association with the military and the war veterans played a pivotal role in assisting him to land the presidency following Mugabe’s forced resignation or what was defined by many as a coup. While the Lacoste faction eventually prevailed over their G40 rivals, the study concluded that ZANU PF factionalism negatively impacted on governmental decisions, policies and systems and the aftermath of the military coup continues to pose serious challenges to Zimbabwe’s political future however defined.
- Full Text:
- Date Issued: 2018
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