Structural relationships between government and civil society organisations
- Authors: Advisory Committee
- Date: 1997-03
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Economic development projects -- South Africa , Social development planning -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65958 , vital:28865
- Description: 1. BACKGROUND 1.1 The key aspects on which the Committee was charged to advise the Deputy President on were: • the appropriate and functional relationships that could be evolved between government and organs of civil society with respect to the provision of capacity for the implementation of the RDP; • the feasibility of an appropriate funding mechanism that would enable a co-ordinated approach to the funding of civil society organisations, the relationships of such a mechanism with current development funding players and other transitional mechanisms; • a mechanism to promote a sustainable partnership between these organisations with government. KEY FINDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE After careful consideration of all pertinent factors, the Committee established that: 2. 1 In spite of broad support for the RDP, there is no coordinated approach to tackling poverty. Government has been able to attract aid and has not found it easy to use such large funding owing to processes of change management and the processes of setting up local government infrastructures. Concomitant with these issues is the lack of management skills at the Government levels. 2. 2 Organs of civil society involved in development work in South Africa remain a rich inheritance for the Government of National Unity. These institutions, generally referred to as Community Based Organisations (CBOs) or Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) span a wide variety of the development landscape. These organs of Civil Society seek to fuel the development agenda of South Africa through participation in the RDP, but have often found themselves frustrated by the lack of clear policy and connecting points with Government in general. 2. 3 Experience from other countries show that the role of CSOs in development and the sustenance of democracy is a key feature of advanced democracies. Foreign research proved that cooperation between CSOs and various tiers government has often produced positive results. Owing to their affinity, empathy and proximity to the broader populace CSOs have always proved to be effective in meeting the basic needs of the population they serve. 2. 4 The initial energizing force for development which broadly funded the CSO sector has transformed. Local development funding institutions have developed a new focus and business approach. The Kagiso Trust and the IDT are gearing themselves to operate as development implementation institutions as against solely the funding of development and the facilitation of funding for development initiatives. 2. 5 Foreign aid funding, money which was historically marked for CSOs, is largely being directly channeled to Government. This source of funding has progressively declined since the 1994 elections. Indications are that this pattern is likely to continue as erstwhile traditional International Aid donors prefer bilateral funding arrangements with government. Corporate grant funding which in any case has always been limited to the CSO sector will continue to flow to corporate programmes and will remain a significant factor to this sector. 2. 6 Development CSOs operate within a restrictive environment in respect of taxation and registration. 2.7 There is broad and significant support for a positive structural relationship and a coordinated funding mechanism between CSOs and Government to promote the objectives and principles of the RDP. 2.8 The need to establish a channel of communication between CSOs and government. Through this mechanism, government and CSOs would be able to agree on RDP and development. , Prepared for the Deputy President the Honorable Mr Thabo Mbeki
- Full Text:
- Authors: Advisory Committee
- Date: 1997-03
- Subjects: Non-governmental organizations -- South Africa , Civil society -- South Africa , Economic development projects -- South Africa , Social development planning -- Government policy -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65958 , vital:28865
- Description: 1. BACKGROUND 1.1 The key aspects on which the Committee was charged to advise the Deputy President on were: • the appropriate and functional relationships that could be evolved between government and organs of civil society with respect to the provision of capacity for the implementation of the RDP; • the feasibility of an appropriate funding mechanism that would enable a co-ordinated approach to the funding of civil society organisations, the relationships of such a mechanism with current development funding players and other transitional mechanisms; • a mechanism to promote a sustainable partnership between these organisations with government. KEY FINDINGS OF THE COMMITTEE After careful consideration of all pertinent factors, the Committee established that: 2. 1 In spite of broad support for the RDP, there is no coordinated approach to tackling poverty. Government has been able to attract aid and has not found it easy to use such large funding owing to processes of change management and the processes of setting up local government infrastructures. Concomitant with these issues is the lack of management skills at the Government levels. 2. 2 Organs of civil society involved in development work in South Africa remain a rich inheritance for the Government of National Unity. These institutions, generally referred to as Community Based Organisations (CBOs) or Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) span a wide variety of the development landscape. These organs of Civil Society seek to fuel the development agenda of South Africa through participation in the RDP, but have often found themselves frustrated by the lack of clear policy and connecting points with Government in general. 2. 3 Experience from other countries show that the role of CSOs in development and the sustenance of democracy is a key feature of advanced democracies. Foreign research proved that cooperation between CSOs and various tiers government has often produced positive results. Owing to their affinity, empathy and proximity to the broader populace CSOs have always proved to be effective in meeting the basic needs of the population they serve. 2. 4 The initial energizing force for development which broadly funded the CSO sector has transformed. Local development funding institutions have developed a new focus and business approach. The Kagiso Trust and the IDT are gearing themselves to operate as development implementation institutions as against solely the funding of development and the facilitation of funding for development initiatives. 2. 5 Foreign aid funding, money which was historically marked for CSOs, is largely being directly channeled to Government. This source of funding has progressively declined since the 1994 elections. Indications are that this pattern is likely to continue as erstwhile traditional International Aid donors prefer bilateral funding arrangements with government. Corporate grant funding which in any case has always been limited to the CSO sector will continue to flow to corporate programmes and will remain a significant factor to this sector. 2. 6 Development CSOs operate within a restrictive environment in respect of taxation and registration. 2.7 There is broad and significant support for a positive structural relationship and a coordinated funding mechanism between CSOs and Government to promote the objectives and principles of the RDP. 2.8 The need to establish a channel of communication between CSOs and government. Through this mechanism, government and CSOs would be able to agree on RDP and development. , Prepared for the Deputy President the Honorable Mr Thabo Mbeki
- Full Text:
A basic guide to the Reconstruction and Development Programme
- Authors: African National Congress
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Reconstruction and development programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Social policy , African National Congress
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75927 , vital:30483 , 1874902062
- Description: The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.
- Full Text:
- Authors: African National Congress
- Date: 1994
- Subjects: Reconstruction and development programme (South Africa) , South Africa -- Economic policy , South Africa -- Social policy , African National Congress
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75927 , vital:30483 , 1874902062
- Description: The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.
- Full Text:
Gender paper to be presented to the ANC Policy Conference 2012: discussion document
- African National Congress (ANC)
- Authors: African National Congress (ANC)
- Date: 2012-02-01
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Social planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68675 , vital:29304
- Description: This document is informed by the struggles of women in the fight against colonialism and apartheid which were also encapsulated in the Women’s Charter of 1954. The discussion is also premised on the charter that women drew up in 1993, prior to the 1994 elections. Our Constitution, in its quest to protect and promote gender equality in South Africa, drew largely from these documents.
- Full Text:
- Authors: African National Congress (ANC)
- Date: 2012-02-01
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- , Social planning -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: book , text
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/68675 , vital:29304
- Description: This document is informed by the struggles of women in the fight against colonialism and apartheid which were also encapsulated in the Women’s Charter of 1954. The discussion is also premised on the charter that women drew up in 1993, prior to the 1994 elections. Our Constitution, in its quest to protect and promote gender equality in South Africa, drew largely from these documents.
- Full Text:
Discussion document : nationalisation
- African National Congress, Department of Economic Policy
- Authors: African National Congress, Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1991?
- Subjects: Government ownership -- South Africa , Industrial policy -- South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66044 , vital:28887
- Description: Nationalisation involves putting any section of the economy under the control and ownership of a government. Nationalisation is not new to South Africa. The governments of the past and especially the Nationalist Party have nationalised a number of industries in the South African economy. Today almost 54% of the productive assets in the country are in the hands of the government. Transport, electricity, post office, are a few examples. Nationalisation in the past has been used to benefit only the whites, by providing them with jobs and services.
- Full Text:
- Authors: African National Congress, Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1991?
- Subjects: Government ownership -- South Africa , Industrial policy -- South Africa , Socialism -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66044 , vital:28887
- Description: Nationalisation involves putting any section of the economy under the control and ownership of a government. Nationalisation is not new to South Africa. The governments of the past and especially the Nationalist Party have nationalised a number of industries in the South African economy. Today almost 54% of the productive assets in the country are in the hands of the government. Transport, electricity, post office, are a few examples. Nationalisation in the past has been used to benefit only the whites, by providing them with jobs and services.
- Full Text:
The Apdusan: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Authors: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Date: 1999-10
- Subjects: APDUSA -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095 , vital:30503
- Description: After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. , Vol. 5 no. 3
- Full Text:
- Authors: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- Date: 1999-10
- Subjects: APDUSA -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1994- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Economic conditions -- 1991- -- Periodicals , South Africa -- Social conditions
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095 , vital:30503
- Description: After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers. , Vol. 5 no. 3
- Full Text:
Workshop package on discussion document on economic policy
- ANC Department of Economic Policy
- Authors: ANC Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1990?
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , Social planning -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66065 , vital:28896
- Description: This package was prepared by the ANC Department of Economic Policy to assist branches to discuss the discussion document on economic policy. It serves as a guide to discussion and is not a replacement for the document. The package contains ideas for inputs, illustrations and guide questions for discussions. The illustrations can be made into WALL CHARTS or TRANSPARENCIES and used with an overhead projector. We suggest that a group of people (the political education committee) come together to plan a workshop for branch members. Read both the package and the discussion document before planning. The ANC is in the process of setting up ANC Economic Associations in each region. If you need help, contact members of the Association through the regional office.
- Full Text:
- Authors: ANC Department of Economic Policy
- Date: 1990?
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- 1989-1994 , Social planning -- South Africa , South Africa -- Economic policy
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66065 , vital:28896
- Description: This package was prepared by the ANC Department of Economic Policy to assist branches to discuss the discussion document on economic policy. It serves as a guide to discussion and is not a replacement for the document. The package contains ideas for inputs, illustrations and guide questions for discussions. The illustrations can be made into WALL CHARTS or TRANSPARENCIES and used with an overhead projector. We suggest that a group of people (the political education committee) come together to plan a workshop for branch members. Read both the package and the discussion document before planning. The ANC is in the process of setting up ANC Economic Associations in each region. If you need help, contact members of the Association through the regional office.
- Full Text:
APDUSA: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa
- APDUSA
- Authors: APDUSA
- Date: 1995-04-15/16
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , APDUSA , Labour unions -- South Africa -- Congresses
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66088 , vital:28899
- Description: The Fourth National Conference of the APDUSA, held in Ezibeleni, Queenstown on 15/16 April 1995, must be marked as one of the most significant events in the history of the organisation. Taking place one year after the establishment of a new political order in South Africa, it was a pertinent time to assess its import in the face of the critical problems that still beset the nation. The achievement of the universal franchise, after long years of bitter struggle, has indeed been a signal victory for the labouring masses of South Africa. But it is a victory that has brought no improvement in the socio-economic conditions of their existence. Still suffering on the anvil of oppression and exploitation, the millions of workers and land-starved peasants are fast losing faith in the ability of the new Government of National Unity to solve their problems. The struggle for liberation has thus entered a new phase. But the oppressed are also faced with a crisis of leadership. Their organisations of struggle are in disarray, with many of those who formerly occupied leading positions, having departed to take up positions in the institutions of government. In this situation, the task of mapping out the programmatic basis of the future course of their struggle, is one of utmost importance. These are the questions that commanded the attention of the APDUSA conference. Against the background, it is fitting that the large majority of those participating in the conference were members of the new generation. Theirs was a major contribution. After a thorough assessment of the new needs of the struggle, conference resolved to redefine and sharpen the political programme of the APDUSA. In so doing, it remains governed by its commitment to the interests of the workers and the landless peasantry in both its short term and long term objectives.
- Full Text:
- Authors: APDUSA
- Date: 1995-04-15/16
- Subjects: South Africa -- Politics and government -- Congresses , APDUSA , Labour unions -- South Africa -- Congresses
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66088 , vital:28899
- Description: The Fourth National Conference of the APDUSA, held in Ezibeleni, Queenstown on 15/16 April 1995, must be marked as one of the most significant events in the history of the organisation. Taking place one year after the establishment of a new political order in South Africa, it was a pertinent time to assess its import in the face of the critical problems that still beset the nation. The achievement of the universal franchise, after long years of bitter struggle, has indeed been a signal victory for the labouring masses of South Africa. But it is a victory that has brought no improvement in the socio-economic conditions of their existence. Still suffering on the anvil of oppression and exploitation, the millions of workers and land-starved peasants are fast losing faith in the ability of the new Government of National Unity to solve their problems. The struggle for liberation has thus entered a new phase. But the oppressed are also faced with a crisis of leadership. Their organisations of struggle are in disarray, with many of those who formerly occupied leading positions, having departed to take up positions in the institutions of government. In this situation, the task of mapping out the programmatic basis of the future course of their struggle, is one of utmost importance. These are the questions that commanded the attention of the APDUSA conference. Against the background, it is fitting that the large majority of those participating in the conference were members of the new generation. Theirs was a major contribution. After a thorough assessment of the new needs of the struggle, conference resolved to redefine and sharpen the political programme of the APDUSA. In so doing, it remains governed by its commitment to the interests of the workers and the landless peasantry in both its short term and long term objectives.
- Full Text:
Victims, survivors and citizens: human rights, reparations and reconciliation: inaugural lecture
- Authors: Asmal, Kader
- Date: 1992-05-25
- Subjects: Human rights -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69386 , vital:29513 , ISBN 1868081212
- Description: The professorial inaugural lecture is for the university an occasion to celebrate - celebrate in the full meaning of the word, i.e. to perform publicly and duly, to observe and honour with rites and festivities, to publish abroad, praise and extol. Through the custom of the inaugural lecture the university celebrates and affirms its basic function, that of creating, preserving, transmitting and applying knowledge, particularly scientifically-based knowledge. The university appoints to the position of professor one who has attained excellence in the handling of knowledge in her or his discipline, and through a jealous watchfulness over the dignity and esteem of this time-honoured position of excellence amongst scholars, defends the capacity of the university to advance human knowledge and human progress. The University of the Western Cape is particularly honoured to celebrate by way of this address the inauguration of its first ever Professor of Human Rights Law. We take pride from both the position and the incumbent: the post demonstrates our commitment to scholarly relevance, the incumbent to the pursuit of excellence. This university has distinguished itself amongst South African educational institutions for the way that it has grappled with questions of appropriate intellectual and educational responses to the demands of the social and political environment. That search involved debates and contests over what constitutes knowledge or valuable knowledge, over the nature of the process of knowledge production, over the relationship between theory and practice, about autonomy and accountability, about the meaning of "community" and about how the activities of a university are informed by the definition and conception of "community". The decision to establish a chair in Human Rights Law was arrived at as part of that process of searching for the appropriate forms of curricular transformation. South African society with its history of colonial conquest and latterly apartheid rule is one bereft of a rights culture; and where the discussion of a bill of rights and the general establishment of an awareness of human rights had been started in recent times, it has often been motivated by a concern with the protection of traditionally advantaged sectors of society. A university like ours has an obligation to contribute to the debate about and the promotion of human rights in ways which will also be concerned with healing, reparation and reconstruction in this severely brutalised nation. In this address marking his formal assumption of the University of the Western Cape’s Chair in Human Rights Law, Kader Asmal gives testimony of the depth of scholarly rigour and the breadth of humane concern brought to and emanating from this position. The integral coming together of Asmal the international scholar, the anti-apartheid activist of long standing, the seasoned international solidarity worker, the spirited publicist is evidenced in this address which is sure to stand as a signal point of reference in our national debate about this complex subject. The University had been privileged to attract to its staff some of the finest scholars from the ranks of the formerly exiled South Africans; this inaugural ceremony provides the institution with the opportunity to welcome into its midst one of those in the person of Kader Asmal. , Publications of the University of the Western Cape ; series A, no. 64
- Full Text:
- Authors: Asmal, Kader
- Date: 1992-05-25
- Subjects: Human rights -- South Africa , Civil rights -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69386 , vital:29513 , ISBN 1868081212
- Description: The professorial inaugural lecture is for the university an occasion to celebrate - celebrate in the full meaning of the word, i.e. to perform publicly and duly, to observe and honour with rites and festivities, to publish abroad, praise and extol. Through the custom of the inaugural lecture the university celebrates and affirms its basic function, that of creating, preserving, transmitting and applying knowledge, particularly scientifically-based knowledge. The university appoints to the position of professor one who has attained excellence in the handling of knowledge in her or his discipline, and through a jealous watchfulness over the dignity and esteem of this time-honoured position of excellence amongst scholars, defends the capacity of the university to advance human knowledge and human progress. The University of the Western Cape is particularly honoured to celebrate by way of this address the inauguration of its first ever Professor of Human Rights Law. We take pride from both the position and the incumbent: the post demonstrates our commitment to scholarly relevance, the incumbent to the pursuit of excellence. This university has distinguished itself amongst South African educational institutions for the way that it has grappled with questions of appropriate intellectual and educational responses to the demands of the social and political environment. That search involved debates and contests over what constitutes knowledge or valuable knowledge, over the nature of the process of knowledge production, over the relationship between theory and practice, about autonomy and accountability, about the meaning of "community" and about how the activities of a university are informed by the definition and conception of "community". The decision to establish a chair in Human Rights Law was arrived at as part of that process of searching for the appropriate forms of curricular transformation. South African society with its history of colonial conquest and latterly apartheid rule is one bereft of a rights culture; and where the discussion of a bill of rights and the general establishment of an awareness of human rights had been started in recent times, it has often been motivated by a concern with the protection of traditionally advantaged sectors of society. A university like ours has an obligation to contribute to the debate about and the promotion of human rights in ways which will also be concerned with healing, reparation and reconstruction in this severely brutalised nation. In this address marking his formal assumption of the University of the Western Cape’s Chair in Human Rights Law, Kader Asmal gives testimony of the depth of scholarly rigour and the breadth of humane concern brought to and emanating from this position. The integral coming together of Asmal the international scholar, the anti-apartheid activist of long standing, the seasoned international solidarity worker, the spirited publicist is evidenced in this address which is sure to stand as a signal point of reference in our national debate about this complex subject. The University had been privileged to attract to its staff some of the finest scholars from the ranks of the formerly exiled South Africans; this inaugural ceremony provides the institution with the opportunity to welcome into its midst one of those in the person of Kader Asmal. , Publications of the University of the Western Cape ; series A, no. 64
- Full Text:
Electoral systems: critical survey
- Authors: Asmal, Kader, 1934-2011
- Date: 1990-10-24
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Election law -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66455 , vital:28951 , ISBN 1868080498
- Description: Ever since union - and before - black South Africans have been excluded from parliament, provincial councils and other law-making bodies. This means that blacks have never participated in the electoral process. The voting (electoral) system - its nature and workings - remained the sole preserve of white political parties and the Apartheid government of the day. As a result of a conjuncture of circumstances (as per Harare Declaration), the African National Congress and the apart0heid government are now engaged in talks. Hopefully this will ultimately lead to negotiations towards a new Constitution which will make provision for a single unitary, non-racial, non-sexist South Africa with universal franchise on one single common voters roll and one person one vote. Part of the process of constitution-making for such a South Africa, will be the working out of a system of voting, an electoral system, which would be appropriate for the country. The African National Congress has recognised the need for a multi-party system, the right of all other political forces and organisations to organise and to compete for power on the political terrain. The ANC also recognises that all parties enjoying significant support should have the right to be represented in a Constituent Assembly and parliament. The question which needs to be resolved is: What would be an appropriate electoral system to achieve the stated objec0tive? It is to place the issue before the people of our country and to ensure participation at the widest levels by all the organisa0tions of the people in the process of constitution-making (including formulating and/or agreeing upon an acceptable system of voting), that the African National Congress, Community Law Centre (University of the Western Cape) and the Centre for Development Studies have organised a conference to be held in the Western Cape on 2 - 4 NOVEM0BER 1990. This conference will not be a decision-making one. nor will there be any resolutions at the end of the conference. The objective is to facilitate meaningful discussions throughout the country. To facilitate this process, we present a discussion document entitled "ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A CRITICAL SURVEY" which has been prepared by Professor KADER ASMAL, a member of the Constitutional Committee of the ANC and Professor of Law at Trinity College, Dublin. It is hoped that arising from these discussions, there will be more meaningful discussions and consultations amongst or0ganisations such as trade unions, civic organisations, women’s organisations and other sectoral or0ganisations - ultimately leading to a situation which we would be better able to decide on an acceptable, unity building and democratic electoral system. , "The Community Law Centre (UWC) & Centre for Development Studies in conjunction with the ANC Constitutional Committee."--Cover
- Full Text:
- Authors: Asmal, Kader, 1934-2011
- Date: 1990-10-24
- Subjects: Elections -- South Africa , Election law -- South Africa , Voting -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66455 , vital:28951 , ISBN 1868080498
- Description: Ever since union - and before - black South Africans have been excluded from parliament, provincial councils and other law-making bodies. This means that blacks have never participated in the electoral process. The voting (electoral) system - its nature and workings - remained the sole preserve of white political parties and the Apartheid government of the day. As a result of a conjuncture of circumstances (as per Harare Declaration), the African National Congress and the apart0heid government are now engaged in talks. Hopefully this will ultimately lead to negotiations towards a new Constitution which will make provision for a single unitary, non-racial, non-sexist South Africa with universal franchise on one single common voters roll and one person one vote. Part of the process of constitution-making for such a South Africa, will be the working out of a system of voting, an electoral system, which would be appropriate for the country. The African National Congress has recognised the need for a multi-party system, the right of all other political forces and organisations to organise and to compete for power on the political terrain. The ANC also recognises that all parties enjoying significant support should have the right to be represented in a Constituent Assembly and parliament. The question which needs to be resolved is: What would be an appropriate electoral system to achieve the stated objec0tive? It is to place the issue before the people of our country and to ensure participation at the widest levels by all the organisa0tions of the people in the process of constitution-making (including formulating and/or agreeing upon an acceptable system of voting), that the African National Congress, Community Law Centre (University of the Western Cape) and the Centre for Development Studies have organised a conference to be held in the Western Cape on 2 - 4 NOVEM0BER 1990. This conference will not be a decision-making one. nor will there be any resolutions at the end of the conference. The objective is to facilitate meaningful discussions throughout the country. To facilitate this process, we present a discussion document entitled "ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A CRITICAL SURVEY" which has been prepared by Professor KADER ASMAL, a member of the Constitutional Committee of the ANC and Professor of Law at Trinity College, Dublin. It is hoped that arising from these discussions, there will be more meaningful discussions and consultations amongst or0ganisations such as trade unions, civic organisations, women’s organisations and other sectoral or0ganisations - ultimately leading to a situation which we would be better able to decide on an acceptable, unity building and democratic electoral system. , "The Community Law Centre (UWC) & Centre for Development Studies in conjunction with the ANC Constitutional Committee."--Cover
- Full Text:
Indigenous polycentric and nested customary sea-tenure (CST) institutions: a Solomon Islands case study
- Authors: Aswani, Shankar
- Date: 2019
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/178964 , vital:40100 , ISBN 9780429628283
- Description: In one volume, this book brings together a diversity of approaches, theory and frameworks that can be used to analyse the governance of renewable natural resources. Renewable natural resources are under pressure, with over-exploitation and degradation raising concern globally. Understanding governance systems and practice is essential for developing effective and fair solutions. This book introduces readers to key concepts and issues concerned with the governance of renewable natural resources and illustrates the diversity of approaches, theories and frameworks that have been used to analyse governance systems and practice. Each chapter provides an introduction to an area of literature and theory and demonstrates application through a case study. The book covers a range of geographical locations, with a focus on low- and middle-income countries, and several types of natural resources. The approaches and theories introduced include common property theory, political ecology, institutional analysis, the social -ecological systems framework and social network analysis. Findings from across the chapters support an analytical focus on institutions and local context and a practical focus on diverse, flexible and inclusive governance solutions. The book serves as an essential introduction to the governance of renewable natural resources for students, researchers and practitioners.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Aswani, Shankar
- Date: 2019
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/178964 , vital:40100 , ISBN 9780429628283
- Description: In one volume, this book brings together a diversity of approaches, theory and frameworks that can be used to analyse the governance of renewable natural resources. Renewable natural resources are under pressure, with over-exploitation and degradation raising concern globally. Understanding governance systems and practice is essential for developing effective and fair solutions. This book introduces readers to key concepts and issues concerned with the governance of renewable natural resources and illustrates the diversity of approaches, theories and frameworks that have been used to analyse governance systems and practice. Each chapter provides an introduction to an area of literature and theory and demonstrates application through a case study. The book covers a range of geographical locations, with a focus on low- and middle-income countries, and several types of natural resources. The approaches and theories introduced include common property theory, political ecology, institutional analysis, the social -ecological systems framework and social network analysis. Findings from across the chapters support an analytical focus on institutions and local context and a practical focus on diverse, flexible and inclusive governance solutions. The book serves as an essential introduction to the governance of renewable natural resources for students, researchers and practitioners.
- Full Text:
Geospatial technologies and indigenous Knowledge Systems:
- Authors: Aswani, Shankar
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/145448 , vital:38439 , ISBN 9781315181523 , https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781315181523/chapters/10.1201/9781315181523-18
- Description: During the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, pressure on coastal ecosystems has amplified and resulted in the widespread degradation of adjacent marine and terrestrial habitats globally (Burke et al., 2001). The ecosystem services provided by coastal habitats, including coastal protection and food procurement, have been heavily compromised by anthropogenic disturbance such as overfishing, pollution, sedimentation and alteration of coastal vegetation (Costanza et al., 1997; Agardy et al., 2009). In the context of small islands, this continued degradation in tandem with the ongoing effects of climate change is putting the livelihoods of coastal peoples at risk (e.g. Bell et al., 2009). While international efforts at curtailing these negative trends are ongoing, many researchers are working directly with coastal local/ indigenous communities to seek more effective management of coastal terrestrial and marine resources. Among various approaches, researchers are increasingly incorporating local knowledge systems for designing resource management and conservation plans (e.g. Gadgil et al., 1993).
- Full Text:
- Authors: Aswani, Shankar
- Date: 2016
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/145448 , vital:38439 , ISBN 9781315181523 , https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9781315181523/chapters/10.1201/9781315181523-18
- Description: During the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, pressure on coastal ecosystems has amplified and resulted in the widespread degradation of adjacent marine and terrestrial habitats globally (Burke et al., 2001). The ecosystem services provided by coastal habitats, including coastal protection and food procurement, have been heavily compromised by anthropogenic disturbance such as overfishing, pollution, sedimentation and alteration of coastal vegetation (Costanza et al., 1997; Agardy et al., 2009). In the context of small islands, this continued degradation in tandem with the ongoing effects of climate change is putting the livelihoods of coastal peoples at risk (e.g. Bell et al., 2009). While international efforts at curtailing these negative trends are ongoing, many researchers are working directly with coastal local/ indigenous communities to seek more effective management of coastal terrestrial and marine resources. Among various approaches, researchers are increasingly incorporating local knowledge systems for designing resource management and conservation plans (e.g. Gadgil et al., 1993).
- Full Text:
Change in Roviana Lagoon Coral Reef ethnobiology:
- Aswani, Shankar, Albert, Simon
- Authors: Aswani, Shankar , Albert, Simon
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/145460 , vital:38440 , ISBN 9783319237633 , DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-23763-3_10
- Description: Coral reefs are iconic for their beauty and biodiversity, and are of great socioeconomic and cultural importance for many coastal communities across the tropics. However, little is known about people’s local classification and their social and ecological relationship with these habitats. This chapter describes Roviana people’s changing ecological and social relationship with their coral reefs, which are increasingly being damaged by humans. First, we combined ecological and social data to describe people’s classification of local coral reefs in tandem with the productive practices conducted in these habitats. Second, we examined local perceptions and recognized effects of environmental and climatic changes on reefs over the last two decades. Finally, we measured changes in fishing activities and in the taxonomic systems (between 1995 and 2011) to evaluate if recent social and economic change has led to the erosion of marine indigenous ecological knowledge and associated practices. Studying people’s changing perceptions of their coral reefs is crucial to understand their ability to identify and adapt to environmental transformations. Simply, the way local people perceive the state of the environment is not only important in terms of changes in local epistemology but also has important implications for how resources are used and managed, and this information can be coupled with scientific one for a broader management strategy.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Aswani, Shankar , Albert, Simon
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/145460 , vital:38440 , ISBN 9783319237633 , DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-23763-3_10
- Description: Coral reefs are iconic for their beauty and biodiversity, and are of great socioeconomic and cultural importance for many coastal communities across the tropics. However, little is known about people’s local classification and their social and ecological relationship with these habitats. This chapter describes Roviana people’s changing ecological and social relationship with their coral reefs, which are increasingly being damaged by humans. First, we combined ecological and social data to describe people’s classification of local coral reefs in tandem with the productive practices conducted in these habitats. Second, we examined local perceptions and recognized effects of environmental and climatic changes on reefs over the last two decades. Finally, we measured changes in fishing activities and in the taxonomic systems (between 1995 and 2011) to evaluate if recent social and economic change has led to the erosion of marine indigenous ecological knowledge and associated practices. Studying people’s changing perceptions of their coral reefs is crucial to understand their ability to identify and adapt to environmental transformations. Simply, the way local people perceive the state of the environment is not only important in terms of changes in local epistemology but also has important implications for how resources are used and managed, and this information can be coupled with scientific one for a broader management strategy.
- Full Text:
Implementing training for racial equality: for multi-cultural South Africa
- Authors: AZAAD Race Consultant
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Cultural awareness -- South Africa -- Handbooks, manuals, etc. , Racism -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Seminars -- Handbooks, manuals, etc.
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75993 , vital:30490
- Description: The commitment of Azaad as a Race Consultancy is:- To ensure quality of opportunity for South Africans to fulfil their potential as Empowered Individuals and members of groups and communities; To Educate, enabling South Africans to gain skills, knowledge and attitudes needed to identify, advocate and pursue their rights and responsibilities as individuals and as members of groups and communities locally, nationally and internationally; Designed to create Equal Opportunity-through the challenging of oppression and the celebration of the differences which springs from culture, language, sexual identity, gender, disability, age, religion, and class; To Participate through voluntary relationship with other South Africans in which White and Black South Africans are partners in the learning process and decision making structures which affect their own and other peoples lives; To Empower- Supporting South Africans to understand and act on the personal, social and political issues which affect their lives, the lives of others and the communities they are part of; To Build resources will be a major effort of Azaad as a Race Consultancy. It is our intention to extend the objectives of all racial, cultural, religious, national, ethnic, sexual and political affiliations. All this will be delivered through informal education, through workshops, short courses, seminars, conferences, role play, etc.
- Full Text:
- Authors: AZAAD Race Consultant
- Date: 19--?
- Subjects: Cultural awareness -- South Africa -- Handbooks, manuals, etc. , Racism -- South Africa , Equality -- South Africa , Seminars -- Handbooks, manuals, etc.
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75993 , vital:30490
- Description: The commitment of Azaad as a Race Consultancy is:- To ensure quality of opportunity for South Africans to fulfil their potential as Empowered Individuals and members of groups and communities; To Educate, enabling South Africans to gain skills, knowledge and attitudes needed to identify, advocate and pursue their rights and responsibilities as individuals and as members of groups and communities locally, nationally and internationally; Designed to create Equal Opportunity-through the challenging of oppression and the celebration of the differences which springs from culture, language, sexual identity, gender, disability, age, religion, and class; To Participate through voluntary relationship with other South Africans in which White and Black South Africans are partners in the learning process and decision making structures which affect their own and other peoples lives; To Empower- Supporting South Africans to understand and act on the personal, social and political issues which affect their lives, the lives of others and the communities they are part of; To Build resources will be a major effort of Azaad as a Race Consultancy. It is our intention to extend the objectives of all racial, cultural, religious, national, ethnic, sexual and political affiliations. All this will be delivered through informal education, through workshops, short courses, seminars, conferences, role play, etc.
- Full Text:
AZASO: tribute to women
- Authors: AZASO Western Cape Region
- Date: 1983?
- Subjects: Tamana, Dora , Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa , Women civil rights workers -- South Africa , Anti-apartheid activists -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66212 , vital:28918
- Description: As women in South Africa, it is important for us to understand the nature of our oppression, for it is only after understanding it, can we identify the target of our attack and plan the appropriate strategy and tactics for our struggle. Black women in South Africa suffer three types of oppression. 1. Political oppression, which is common to all blacks in South Africa, ie. the denial of rights to vote for or choose the type of government we want, and the denial of rights as a people in South Africa. 2. Economic oppression as black workers in South Africa. Black women workers are even more exploited than men workers. They are paid lower wages for the same job, are treated as temporary staff and can be fired at anytime especially if they fall pregnant. 3. Social oppression which stems from the idea that women are born inferior to men and therefore have to play an inferior role in society. The socialization process starts at birth and women and men are geared towards certain roles in society. Men most often towards leadership positions and professional jobs and women towards household duties and secretarial jobs. This socialization process continues throughout ones life such that most people accept it as a natural phenomenon and a way of life. Having understood the forms of oppression, we can see that the struggle is not between men and women, where men are seen as the source of our oppression. Nor is it a struggle for mechanical equality between men and women ie. being paid the same wages as men, and having equal status as men in society, because this will mean equality within the present status quo. Our struggle is a struggle between womenand the existing social order. It is a struggle of the oppressed against oppression. Our main weapons in the struggle for liberation are UNITY and ORGANISATION. Unity is realised through common effort, links are forged through collective work and study, through criticism and self-critcism and through action against opression. Organization can be achieved through women's groups and organization. A women's group's first demand should be the clarification of our ideas, to get rid of miscosepts and erroneous ideas concerning the role and liberation of women. A women's group usually tackles the question of social oppresion, but more important, it must be seen as a stepping stone towards involvement in the broader struggle can we destroy the foundations of exploitative society and rebuild society on new foundations. Foundations built on the demands of the FREEDOM CHARTER. “The fundamental struggle is for national liberation of the oppressed people of South Africa, and any women's organization that stands outside this struggle must stand apart from the mass of women. What was realised by the Federation of South African Women was that it would be impossible for women to achieve their rights as women in a society in which so many fundamental rights are denied to both men and women by virtue of their colour and their class. Therefore just as there can be no revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for women's emancipation cannot succeed without the victory of the revolution".
- Full Text:
- Authors: AZASO Western Cape Region
- Date: 1983?
- Subjects: Tamana, Dora , Anti-apartheid movements -- South Africa , Women civil rights workers -- South Africa , Anti-apartheid activists -- South Africa , South Africa -- Race relations
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66212 , vital:28918
- Description: As women in South Africa, it is important for us to understand the nature of our oppression, for it is only after understanding it, can we identify the target of our attack and plan the appropriate strategy and tactics for our struggle. Black women in South Africa suffer three types of oppression. 1. Political oppression, which is common to all blacks in South Africa, ie. the denial of rights to vote for or choose the type of government we want, and the denial of rights as a people in South Africa. 2. Economic oppression as black workers in South Africa. Black women workers are even more exploited than men workers. They are paid lower wages for the same job, are treated as temporary staff and can be fired at anytime especially if they fall pregnant. 3. Social oppression which stems from the idea that women are born inferior to men and therefore have to play an inferior role in society. The socialization process starts at birth and women and men are geared towards certain roles in society. Men most often towards leadership positions and professional jobs and women towards household duties and secretarial jobs. This socialization process continues throughout ones life such that most people accept it as a natural phenomenon and a way of life. Having understood the forms of oppression, we can see that the struggle is not between men and women, where men are seen as the source of our oppression. Nor is it a struggle for mechanical equality between men and women ie. being paid the same wages as men, and having equal status as men in society, because this will mean equality within the present status quo. Our struggle is a struggle between womenand the existing social order. It is a struggle of the oppressed against oppression. Our main weapons in the struggle for liberation are UNITY and ORGANISATION. Unity is realised through common effort, links are forged through collective work and study, through criticism and self-critcism and through action against opression. Organization can be achieved through women's groups and organization. A women's group's first demand should be the clarification of our ideas, to get rid of miscosepts and erroneous ideas concerning the role and liberation of women. A women's group usually tackles the question of social oppresion, but more important, it must be seen as a stepping stone towards involvement in the broader struggle can we destroy the foundations of exploitative society and rebuild society on new foundations. Foundations built on the demands of the FREEDOM CHARTER. “The fundamental struggle is for national liberation of the oppressed people of South Africa, and any women's organization that stands outside this struggle must stand apart from the mass of women. What was realised by the Federation of South African Women was that it would be impossible for women to achieve their rights as women in a society in which so many fundamental rights are denied to both men and women by virtue of their colour and their class. Therefore just as there can be no revolution without the liberation of women, the struggle for women's emancipation cannot succeed without the victory of the revolution".
- Full Text:
Hsp70/Hsp90 organising protein (hop): beyond interactions with chaperones and prion proteins
- Baindur-Hudson, Swati, Edkins, Adrienne L, Blatch, Gregory L
- Authors: Baindur-Hudson, Swati , Edkins, Adrienne L , Blatch, Gregory L
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/164852 , vital:41178 , ISBN 978-3-319-11730-0 , DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-11731-7_3
- Description: The Hsp70/Hsp90 organising protein (Hop), also known as stress-inducible protein 1 (STI1), has received considerable attention for diverse cellular functions in both healthy and diseased states. There is extensive evidence that intracellular Hop is a co-chaperone of the major chaperones Hsp70 and Hsp90, playing an important role in the productive folding of Hsp90 client proteins. Consequently, Hop is implicated in a number of key signalling pathways, including aberrant pathways leading to cancer. However, Hop is also secreted and it is now well established that Hop also serves as a receptor for the prion protein, PrPC.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Baindur-Hudson, Swati , Edkins, Adrienne L , Blatch, Gregory L
- Date: 2015
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/164852 , vital:41178 , ISBN 978-3-319-11730-0 , DOI: 10.1007/978-3-319-11731-7_3
- Description: The Hsp70/Hsp90 organising protein (Hop), also known as stress-inducible protein 1 (STI1), has received considerable attention for diverse cellular functions in both healthy and diseased states. There is extensive evidence that intracellular Hop is a co-chaperone of the major chaperones Hsp70 and Hsp90, playing an important role in the productive folding of Hsp90 client proteins. Consequently, Hop is implicated in a number of key signalling pathways, including aberrant pathways leading to cancer. However, Hop is also secreted and it is now well established that Hop also serves as a receptor for the prion protein, PrPC.
- Full Text:
South Africa's 'Border War': contested narratives and conflicting memories
- Authors: Baines, Gary F
- Date: 2014
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67115 , vital:29033 , https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/south-africas-border-war-9781472508249/
- Description: publisher version , South Africa's 'Border War' provides a timely study of the 'war of words' waged by retired South African Defence Force (SADF) generals and other veterans against critics and detractors. The book explores the impact of the 'Border War' on South African culture and society during apartheid and in the new dispensation and discusses the lasting legacy or 'afterlife' of the war in great detail. It also offers an appraisal of the secondary literature of the 'Border War', supplemented by archival research, interviews and an analysis of articles, newspaper reports, reviews and blogs. Adopting a genuinely multidisciplinary approach that borrows from the study of history, literature, visual culture, memory, politics and international relations, South Africa's 'Border War' is an important volume for anyone interested in the study of war and memory or the modern history of South Africa.
- Full Text: false
- Authors: Baines, Gary F
- Date: 2014
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/67115 , vital:29033 , https://www.bloomsbury.com/uk/south-africas-border-war-9781472508249/
- Description: publisher version , South Africa's 'Border War' provides a timely study of the 'war of words' waged by retired South African Defence Force (SADF) generals and other veterans against critics and detractors. The book explores the impact of the 'Border War' on South African culture and society during apartheid and in the new dispensation and discusses the lasting legacy or 'afterlife' of the war in great detail. It also offers an appraisal of the secondary literature of the 'Border War', supplemented by archival research, interviews and an analysis of articles, newspaper reports, reviews and blogs. Adopting a genuinely multidisciplinary approach that borrows from the study of history, literature, visual culture, memory, politics and international relations, South Africa's 'Border War' is an important volume for anyone interested in the study of war and memory or the modern history of South Africa.
- Full Text: false
A guide to social pensions
- Authors: Barratt, Inez
- Date: 1976-03
- Subjects: Pensions -- South Africa , Social security -- South Africa , Older people -- Services for -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65412 , vital:28785 , ISBN 086982130X
- Description: In the Republic of South Africa (and in South West Africa) social pensions are non-contributory and are paid out of state revenue, the funds for the purpose being voted annually by Parliament. With minor exceptions, the pensions are granted subject to a means test: that is, income levels are laid down which fix the maximum allowable income including pension. If the total income exceeds this amount an applicant will not be awarded a pension. When these totals are being calculated a certain sum is permitted, called ‘free income’, which does not affect the amount of pension that may be granted. (This ‘free income’ might be made up of earnings, or interest from investments, or profits from agriculture, etc.)These different figures vary according to the kinds of pension and to the population group. They are revised from time to time. Changes are announced by the Minister of Finance in his budget speech to Parliament and usually become effective some months later when details have been worked out by the departments dealing with the respective population groups. Because the conditions under which pensions are granted are fairly frequently changed, and improved, an application which was not successful one year may well succeed a year or two later. Therefore any applicant whose circumstances may have changed, or who believes that new rules may help his case, is advised to apply again. , Revised Edition
- Full Text:
- Authors: Barratt, Inez
- Date: 1976-03
- Subjects: Pensions -- South Africa , Social security -- South Africa , Older people -- Services for -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65412 , vital:28785 , ISBN 086982130X
- Description: In the Republic of South Africa (and in South West Africa) social pensions are non-contributory and are paid out of state revenue, the funds for the purpose being voted annually by Parliament. With minor exceptions, the pensions are granted subject to a means test: that is, income levels are laid down which fix the maximum allowable income including pension. If the total income exceeds this amount an applicant will not be awarded a pension. When these totals are being calculated a certain sum is permitted, called ‘free income’, which does not affect the amount of pension that may be granted. (This ‘free income’ might be made up of earnings, or interest from investments, or profits from agriculture, etc.)These different figures vary according to the kinds of pension and to the population group. They are revised from time to time. Changes are announced by the Minister of Finance in his budget speech to Parliament and usually become effective some months later when details have been worked out by the departments dealing with the respective population groups. Because the conditions under which pensions are granted are fairly frequently changed, and improved, an application which was not successful one year may well succeed a year or two later. Therefore any applicant whose circumstances may have changed, or who believes that new rules may help his case, is advised to apply again. , Revised Edition
- Full Text:
Playing broken telephone with student feedback: the possibilities and issues of transformation within a South African case of a collegial rationality model of evaluation
- Authors: Belluigi, Dina Z
- Date: 2013
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66943 , vital:29003 , https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-1-84334-655-5.50001-5
- Description: publisher version , Drawing on the case of a small South African university which espouses a social justice approach to transformation, this chapter considers the possibilities and challenges created for student feedback within an institutional context that gives the individual lecturer a large degree of autonomy in evaluation. The chapter looks at some of the dominant perceptions of student feedback in addition to how it is collected and utilised, by referring to the institution’s policies and guideline documents; institutional research conducted with course coordinators; responses elicited from 40 lecturers on the issues outlined in this chapter; the author’s own reflections as a staff developer in the institution; and specific examples of good practice from lecturers situated within social science disciplines. The emerging concerns which structured this discussion are: the impact of student feedback on improving quality; enabling student voice; increasing student ownership; and the educational value of evaluation processes.
- Full Text: false
- Authors: Belluigi, Dina Z
- Date: 2013
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66943 , vital:29003 , https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-1-84334-655-5.50001-5
- Description: publisher version , Drawing on the case of a small South African university which espouses a social justice approach to transformation, this chapter considers the possibilities and challenges created for student feedback within an institutional context that gives the individual lecturer a large degree of autonomy in evaluation. The chapter looks at some of the dominant perceptions of student feedback in addition to how it is collected and utilised, by referring to the institution’s policies and guideline documents; institutional research conducted with course coordinators; responses elicited from 40 lecturers on the issues outlined in this chapter; the author’s own reflections as a staff developer in the institution; and specific examples of good practice from lecturers situated within social science disciplines. The emerging concerns which structured this discussion are: the impact of student feedback on improving quality; enabling student voice; increasing student ownership; and the educational value of evaluation processes.
- Full Text: false
Procedures for the resolution of labour disputes
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, G
- Date: 1988-08-04
- Subjects: Labour disputes -- South Africa , Labour movement -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936 , vital:30643
- Description: After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.
- Full Text:
- Authors: Bezuidenhout, G
- Date: 1988-08-04
- Subjects: Labour disputes -- South Africa , Labour movement -- South Africa , Labour unions -- South Africa
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76936 , vital:30643
- Description: After SACCOLA's expulsion from the International Organization of Employers in 1983 the committee decided to explore areas of domestic activity consistent with its objectives of discussing employer views on labour affairs, and representing these views where agreement amongst employers existed. As the National Manpower Commission had shortly afterwards published a lengthy report dealing, inter alia, with the role of the Industrial Court and the definition of the unfair labour practice concept, SACCOLA set up a working party to see if employer consensus could be achieved on these issues. SACCOLA succeeded in agreeing a 18 page document, which was submitted to the Department of Manpower on 28 August 1984. This was subsequently acknowledged by the Director General of Manpower to have been one of the most comprehensive reactions to this report. In his reaction to the report, however, Dr Van der Merwe noted that legislative change would be greatly facilitated by labour/employer agreement, and he therefore suggested that SACCOLA should discuss its proposals with union federations.
- Full Text:
Two articles focusing on participatory approaches
- Authors: Biggs, Stephen D
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Agricultural innovations , Rural development -- Evaluation , Agricultural extension work -- Research , Agriculture -- Technology transfer -- Evaluation , Agricultural extension work -- Evaluation
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75076 , vital:30371 , 10250468
- Description: In recent years there has been a growing literature that advocates various forms of participatory development. This is illustrated by the promotion of approaches/tools such as participatory rural appraisal (PRA), participatory technology development (PTD), and participatory process projects 1 These "new" approaches are fast taking on the form of a new generalised orthodoxy for solving development problems. It would seem from the perspective of some of the promoters of this orthodoxy that the problem of development is no longer one of not having the right approaches and methods, but one of getting recalcitrant policy makers, bureaucrats, academics to appreciate and adopt these new methods and techniques. My concerns with this new advocacy are that: i It does not relate to experience; ii It does not address issues of power structure and control over information and other resources in multiple and complex arenas of science and technology (S&T); iii By placing major emphasis on management approaches and tools, the new orthodoxy is cutting itself off from a critical reflective understanding of the deeper determinants of technical and social change. Unfortunately, I suspect that if this new orthodoxy does not develop a more critical reflective view of itself then, like previous dominant orthodoxies, it will soon have to develop a range of "escape hatches" to explain why these participatory approaches are not giving the results that their advocates promise. , AVOCADO series; v 06/95
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- Authors: Biggs, Stephen D
- Date: 1995
- Subjects: Agricultural innovations , Rural development -- Evaluation , Agricultural extension work -- Research , Agriculture -- Technology transfer -- Evaluation , Agricultural extension work -- Evaluation
- Language: English
- Type: text , book
- Identifier: http://hdl.handle.net/10962/75076 , vital:30371 , 10250468
- Description: In recent years there has been a growing literature that advocates various forms of participatory development. This is illustrated by the promotion of approaches/tools such as participatory rural appraisal (PRA), participatory technology development (PTD), and participatory process projects 1 These "new" approaches are fast taking on the form of a new generalised orthodoxy for solving development problems. It would seem from the perspective of some of the promoters of this orthodoxy that the problem of development is no longer one of not having the right approaches and methods, but one of getting recalcitrant policy makers, bureaucrats, academics to appreciate and adopt these new methods and techniques. My concerns with this new advocacy are that: i It does not relate to experience; ii It does not address issues of power structure and control over information and other resources in multiple and complex arenas of science and technology (S&T); iii By placing major emphasis on management approaches and tools, the new orthodoxy is cutting itself off from a critical reflective understanding of the deeper determinants of technical and social change. Unfortunately, I suspect that if this new orthodoxy does not develop a more critical reflective view of itself then, like previous dominant orthodoxies, it will soon have to develop a range of "escape hatches" to explain why these participatory approaches are not giving the results that their advocates promise. , AVOCADO series; v 06/95
- Full Text: